Stories
Slash Boxes
Comments

News for nerds, stuff that matters

Feature: The Broadband Wars

Posted by Roblimo on Tue Jul 20, 1999 09:00 AM
from the trying-to-control-the-Internet's-future dept.
Like it or not, the FCC and other government agencies make decisions every day that affect the way the Internet works. Don Weightman is a Washington, DC attorney who is currently in the middle of the ongoing regulatory dispute over who controls the "last mile" of online access in the USA. Don's strong words make it unlawyerly obvious which side he's on, but the only disclaimer he asked us to add was, "The following opinions are mine and not my clients'."

The Broadband Internet Wars
byDonald Weightman,
attorney-at law,
Washington, DC, USA

The broadband wars, which are being fought right now, will determine whether, when, and on what conditions you will be able to reach broadband applications on the Internet for years to come; things like gaming, large downloads, and streaming media. If you have a multimedia or data-rich Web site, the broadband wars will decide which audiences you can reach, and whether you have to strike deals with intermediaries to reach them. If you are an ISP these battles will likely decide whether you can offer broadband services. If you work in the Internet economy, the battle is about how to break through the "last mile" bandwidth bottleneck, and sustain the Net's growth.

Put it this way: being able to choose your broadband ISP is just as important as being able to choose the operating system for your computer. If you lose that choice, and your ISP is bundled with the cable modem, you lose control over what you can and can't do with the Net, just as having no choice of OS means losing control over what you can and can't do with the box.

The players in the broadband wars are looking for a mix of legislation and regulations which will give them an advantage in the race to control that delivery point.

One camp consists of AOL, some other ISPs, consumer groups, and a few state and local political leaders. Their battle cry is "open access." They claim that just as you can choose your ISP for 28 and 56K dial-up, you should be able to choose your ISP for cable modem or any other high-speed Net access service. AOL has emphasized lobbying and grassroots organizing and spent hundreds of thousands of dollars on campaign contributions during the 1997 - 1998 election. Election records suggest that it has stepped up the flow of money to lawmakers since then.

AOL is the major force behind the Open Net Coalition headed by well- connected lobbyists Greg Simon and Rich Bond. (After a heavy telemarketing campaign directed at ISPs, the coalition announced recently that since the Portland decision against AT&T, its membership has doubled.) AOL wants new legislation requiring ISP choice, no matter who owns the pipe through the last mile, and supports a bill sponsored by home-state Virginia legislators Rich Boucher and Robert Goodlatte that would do just that.

AOL and its allies argue that the Internet has succeeded as an open platform, while cable, including Internet cable, has always been a closed system. They say that innovations like browsers, eBay, and Yahoo would not have been feasible if they had to negotiate entry through a monopoly bottleneck.

AOL and company add that competition, which has served the Net well, should be sustained in broadband. After all, there are now 40 million American Net users in part because AOL saturated the country with floppy discs, and because local ISPs competed with each other to walk new users through the set-up process. The open access camp adds that the additional sales channels like AOL and the independent ISPs may kick-start broadband deployment.

Charles Brewer of MindSpring thinks that Net access is the core telecom service of the future. He claims that access will have three critical features: consumer-friendly price, 'always on' two-way connectivity, and true broadband throughput. Wireless NET will fail to meet at least one of these criteria for foreseeable future; therefore broadband equals wireline. A competitive broadband wireline market requires open access. Brewer concludes that non-discrimination requirements presently imposed on telephone service should apply to two-way cable Net access as "telecommunications service."

You will also see this group says a lot about consumer choice. Sometimes they will add another dig at cable video, where consumers have lacked choices. Cable operators have long been charged with price gouging and anticompetitive conduct. The open access camp concludes that the risk of such problems in broadband should not be ignored with a "wait and see" approach.

The other camp is headed by cable TV industry giant AT&T, which kicked out $3 million in Congressional campaign funding in 1997 - 1998. It has former FCC Commissioner Reed Hundt as part of its lobbying team. It uses lawsuits like the one At&T filed against Portland, Oregon when that city mandated open access, and it is the major force behind Hands Off the Net.

The cable industry claims that investment in system upgrades needed to bring near-universal cable modem access will come only if it can guarantee returns under a business model with assured users and proprietary content. The cable industry argues that with only 600,000 broadband users, it cannot be said to dominate a market with 40 million American Internet users. Sometimes their publicity tries to demonize AOL, pointing out that any company with 17 million customers shouldn't be allowed to say that it is being bullied. After all, they say, if AOL wants broadband access, why doesn't it just buy some?

The cable industry also says that open access regulation is not necessary because competing technologies, including DSL over telephone lines, wireless transmission, and satellite delivery will provide consumer choices. Somewhere in here you will also hear and read a lot of anti-government rhetoric. There is also a technical argument: the cable modem platform envisions a sort of neighborhood area network, where introducing multiple ISPs would create serious coordination and service problems.

The regional phone companies, eager to put a stick into AT&T's spokes and slow down cable's Internet momentum, rely on former Senators Bob Packwood, Larry Pressler, and and Bennett Johnson, and have hired ex-White House spokesman Mike McCurry to lead iAdvance. They claim that deregulating them will give them competitive parity with the cable companies, and that deregulation will allow them to reach under-served farm country and other communities with high-speed access using DSL technologies. (Reaching the under-served communities where there is little Net use, an issue known as the "Digital Divide," is a current political hot button.)

The telcos are pushing legislation proposed by Senate Commerce Committee Chairman (and Presidential candidate) John McCain, and Representatives John Dingell and Billy Tauzin. The telephone industry spent $14.2 million during the last election cycle. Some key lawmakers have received hundreds of thousands of dollars each in campaign money from the telcos over the last five years.

There is another, much smaller player on the scene, one with a slightly different take. Startup broadband ISP Internet Ventures has a cable-down telco-return platform, and wants to use Section 612 of the cable statute to argue that Internet video is "video programming" under that provision, which requires cable companies to lease channels to their competitors.

I represent Internet Ventures, and I have been lobbying for it. It has made no campaign contributions, and rather than seeking new legislation, has filed with the FCC for a ruling under that, under present law, ISPs have the right to lease access from the cable companies.

Internet Ventures' main argument is that this platform can be deployed quickly using today's infrastructure. The balance of its arguments parallel those used by the open access camp, with a different take on the digital divide. Internet Ventures claims that leased access gives consumers more choices, will promote broadband competition, and also help break the last mile bottleneck. The part on the "Digital Divide" is that leased access can be delivered to under-served communities now, at a price comparable to or lower than that charged by other Internet access and cable television service providers.

The cable operators respond that this is stretching the "leased access" provision too far, that they are doing a fine job, and that leased access for ISPs will hurt demand for and investment in upgrading cable systems for high speed interactivity.

The broadband wars started with the Telecommunications Act of 1996, which said that the local telephone companies would be allowed to offer long distance, but only on condition that they open their home markets to competition. None of the local phone monopolies has done so, and many of them have used their lawyers to delay the competitive process by litigating every regulatory issue whenever and wherever possible.

Closed out of local telecom markets, and worried about the long-range viability of stand- alone long-distance service, AT&T has gone on a $120 billion shopping spree, acquiring cable companies TCI and MediaOne. These acquisitions gave it practical control over cable ISP @Home (now Excite@Home), and a minority stake (with media conglomerate TimeWarner and others) in the other major cable ISP, RoadRunner. The business model calls for a closed platform, with preferred space (on viewers' screen and cached on local servers) given to paid advertisers and proprietary content. The closed platform would eventually deliver television, telephone, interactive video as well as broadband Net.

The outcome of the mergers is that AT&T, which claims 80 million customers worldwide, has now added from 20 to 40 million cable customers, depending how you count. Even before gearing up the marketing drive that goes with delivery of Internet interactivity, cable has a base of 67 million broadband (video) customers, which makes this group (cable plus AT&T's long distance customers), with a customer base in nine figures, nearly equal in size to all U.S. local telephone companies combined.

The telcos have about 150 million telephone lines to work from. Pursuing an objective of unifying local, long-distance, wireless, and, belatedly, Internet through a single provider for every customer, the Bell companies did not seriously try to deploy their broadband DSL technology until the threat of cable modems kicked them into action. And DSL has some handicaps. It cannot serve users who are more than three miles or so from the nearest company office, and it cannot be offered over some phone lines at all. As many as a third of American homes may never be able to get DSL.

Cable, too, has its problems. As the number of users on a neighborhood node increases, congestion soon follows. In fact, Excite@Home has had to impose a 128 Kbps limit on uploads because of heavier home-user traffic than expected. Add to this the still-unresolved security problems which make cable Internet unattractive for business, and the picture resolves to technologies which are still developing.

The other thing to keep in mind about the 1996 statute is what it didn't do: address where we are now, when many players from different industries all seek to offer some mix of broadband Net, telephone and television, but on different technological platforms. Aside from some language which has given the lawyers room to maneuver in their arguments, a critical piece left out was the status of Internet delivered over cable. This has meant that the FCC is left to deal with the relevant policy questions without much of a lead from Congress. The resulting vacuum is a major reason for all the lobbying now going on.

Another factor which kept broadband in the background until last year is that, as long-time computer industry observer John Dvorak points out,

"Neither the phone company nor the cable company is used to the pace of the computer industry. Worse, they have no interest in getting used to the pace."
The AT&T merger with TCI, which gave Internet-over-cable's closed business model its prominence, helped bring broadband issues to the front of the stage. AT&T had to pass regulatory muster with the Justice Department and the FCC in Washington. It also had to get permission from the hundreds of cities and other local governments which had granted local franchises to TCI. Last December, the Portland, Oregon City Council required, as a condition of the merger, that AT&T open its broadband network to competitors.

In the meantime, AOL, thwarted in talks with cable operators, formed the OpenNet Coalition and lobbied hard to push open access to the top of the FCC's regulatory agenda, both in the agency's review of the AT&T/TCI deal, and in a separate proceeding on "advanced" (i.e. broadband) services. After fierce resistance from AT&T, the effort failed on both fronts, and the FCC decided, for the time being, to take a hands-off approach to cable access. The FCC tried to justify this refusal to act by finding that AT&T and cable broadband delivery generally were not in a position to dominate the markets for these advanced services. It indicated, however, that it might revisit the issue if it looks like cable is gaining a monopoly position.

One result of the FCC's "hands-off-cable" decision was that AT&T and other cable stock prices spiked on the assumption that they would be able to get turbo-charged returns on their closed systems and captive eyeballs. This spike gave the companies a lot of new market capitalization to play with. Instead of using the inflow to fund the $30 billion needed to upgrade the cable infrastructure for full two-way high-speed connectivity, the industry spent the new money on another wave of mergers, including the recent AT&T acquisition of MediaOne and some other, smaller deals. If the consolidations are approved, AT&T will own access to about 30% of the cable subscriber base, with a partial interest in systems reaching another 30%. This threat to control broadband has prompted the telephone company counterattack.

But the monopolists don't always win. In early June, a federal judge ruled that Portland was within its rights in imposing the open access requirement. AT&T has appealed, but this ruling has encouraged other local governments to reopen similar cases. Last week, Canadian cable regulators issued rules requiring cable companies there to open their networks to independent ISPs. And earlier this week, Broward County, Florida voted to require AT&T to open its system to competing ISPs.

But these are just a few battles. The war continues -- in the courts, in Congress, in State Legislatures, in front of local cable TV regulators, and most importantly, at the FCC.

If you think the open access issue is important, then you should know that the best way to get the FCC off the dime is a show of genuine popular support. And if you want to help, here are some places to start:

www.nogatekeepers.org
www.opennetcoalition.org
www.ivn.net/strat/access.html
www.handsofftheinternet.org
www.iadvance.org

This discussion has been archived. No new comments can be posted.
The Broadband Wars | Log In/Create an Account | Top | 295 comments (Spill at 50!) | Index Only | Search Discussion
Display Options Threshold:
The Fine Print: The following comments are owned by whoever posted them. We are not responsible for them in any way.
(1) | 2 | 3 | 4
(1) | 2 | 3 | 4