I am not bothered by this nearly as much as I thought I would have been.
Then you need to read a little bit more. This is the most serious issue of our time -- it is the a historical dividing line between an America with three competing branches, and an America with an imperial presidency with unlimited power to do anything at all.
Here is Glen Greenwald's take on it:
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2013/feb/05/obama-kill-list-doj-memo
Greenwald is not particularly easy to summarize, and you'd be better off to read his analysis and check his sources. It would really take all day. But as a weak attempt to summarize it, the article cited above is broken down into six parts, and maybe the headings with some excerpts will serve that purpose.
1. Equating government accusations with guilt
Those who justify all of this by arguing that Obama can and should kill al-Qaida leaders who are trying to kill Americans are engaged in supreme question-begging. Without any due process, transparency or oversight, there is no way to know who is a "senior al-Qaida leader" and who is posing an "imminent threat" to Americans. All that can be known is who Obama, in total secrecy, accuses of this.
2. Creating a ceiling, not a floor
The memo explicitly leaves open the possibility that presidential assassinations of US citizens may be permissible even when the target is not a senior al-Qaida leader posing an imminent threat and/or when capture is feasible.
3. Relies on the core Bush/Cheney theory of a global battlefield
The president, it claims, "retains authority to use force against al-Qaida and associated forces outside the area of active hostilities". In other words: there are, subject to the entirely optional "feasibility of capture" element, no geographic limits to the president's authority to kill anyone he wants. This power applies not only to war zones, but everywhere in the world that he claims a member of al-Qaida is found.
4. Expanding the concept of "imminence" beyond recognition
The only reason to add these limitations of "imminence" and "feasibility of capture" is, as Heller said, purely political: to make the theories more politically palatable. But the definitions for these terms are so vague and broad that they provide no real limits on the president's assassination power. As the ACLU's Jaffer says: "This is a chilling document" because "it argues that the government has the right to carry out the extrajudicial killing of an American citizen" and the purported limits "are elastic and vaguely defined, and it's easy to see how they could be manipulated."
5. Converting Obama underlings into objective courts
A president can always find underlings and political appointees to endorse whatever he wants to do. That's all this memo is: the by-product of obsequious lawyers telling their Party's leader that he is (of course) free to do exactly that which he wants to do, in exactly the same way that Bush got John Yoo to tell him that torture was not torture, and that even it if were, it was legal.
That's why courts, not the president's partisan lawyers, should be making these determinations
6. Making a mockery of "due process"
...Holder actually said: "due process and judicial process are not one and the same." Colbert interpreted that claim as follows:
"Trial by jury, trial by fire, rock, paper scissors, who cares? Due process just means that there is a process that you do. The current process is apparently, first the president meets with his advisers and decides who he can kill. Then he kills them."