Yes, it is a slightly different form of the issue, but it touches the same point. The questions it raises in this form are probably harder ones.
In the Analysis paper (By Johnathan Bennett by the way) the case was of a real condition that does occur (or did occur in the day) where if an abortion was not carried out the mother would certainly die. The Catholic position (as argued by Elizabeth Anscombe) was that abortion was taking innocent life and so was wrong, absolutely. Anscombe argued that to take the consequences into account was arguing for doing evil for the sake of good, and that people who took that view were of 'corrupt mind' and there was no point talking to them.
This is a relatively simple case in that its a choice between two lives, or was in the scenario Bennett was considering. The public policy case seems to be more complicated and harder to see what exactly the issues are. You can imagine Anscome arguing, in the Texas case, that the link between the policy and maternal deaths was not at all clear. In Bennett's case there was an inescapable choice between two lives. Bennett was able to ask, of Anscombe's position, what other than a religions prohibition could justify taking the view that the mother's life should always be the one to go. Anscombe was able to argue that in principle it was wrong to kill one person to save another. The underlying issue was whether the consequences of the action are ethically relevant. Bennett was arguing yes, Anscombe no. It was about whether the goodness or badness of an act is intrinsic to it, or is a property it has in virtue of its consequences.
Part of the sharpness of the difference is caused by the fact, in the example, that there was no way out of the choice. So Bennett took some time to show that much of the theological pleading on these cases depended on refusing to accept this, arguing that the mother's death, in continuation, was not in fact certain, when it was.
In the Texas case this is an easier argument to make. There are, you could argue, many ways in which the maternal deaths can be prevented. Proper public policy can simply make abortion not a necessary choice for anyone by providing alternatives. The argument would be that it is the choice to go for backstreet abortion that is causing the death increase, so the ethical thing is to remedy that. The Texas argument might continue that the consequences of policies are of course relevant. But that its not correct to make public policy on this basis that if we do something ethically correct people will make bad and unnecessary decisions leading to harming themselves.
The difficulty with this argument occurs if you construct limiting cases, because the proponent will almost be forced into a position analogous to that Anscome was faced with: they will end up having to deny human nature as experience shows it to be. it may be that you just cannot provide alternatives which people will choose. At that point the Republicans are forced to the argument, explicit or not, that they wish to ban what they regard as just intrinsically wrong.
The climate and emission case is rather different from either of these. The consequentialist view here is just don't do things which have few or no effects on the supposed problem, but which (hypothetically) have very high costs. You can see it most clearly in the case of the UK, which emits about 450 million tons a year out of a global total of 39 billion. Cut it in half, even eliminate it, and it will make no measurable difference.
Now, do you argue that emitting is intrinsically wrong, and should be stopped whatever the consequences? Or do you try and construct climate consequences of stopping that will justify stopping? Its interesting that the UK has pretty much stopped doing that. They are no longer justifying Net Zero on climate grounds. Or do you decide that it may be best if everyone were to stop, but they are not going to, and so we, US or UK, are living in a world where for us to stop will make no difference, have no benefit, and so cannot be justified. Spend the money on health or literacy.
Its a bit more complicated than China isn't doing it as an excuse for the US not doing something which has a strong justification in itself. The question is what that justification is.