BlackHat's Journal: His watch is gold/ A 55 chevy that his brother just sold/

Quote:
It is obvious, that though riches and authority undoubtedly give their owner a power of doing us service, yet this power is not to be considered as on the same footing with that, which they afford him, of pleasing himself, and satisfying his own appetites.

Self-love approaches the power and exercise very near each other in the latter case; but in order to produce a similar effect in the former, we must suppose a friendship and good-will to be conjoined with the riches. Without that circumstance it is difficult to conceive on what we can found our hope of advantage from the riches of others, though there is nothing more certain, than that we naturally esteem and respect the rich, even before we discover in them any such favourable disposition towards us.

But I carry this farther, and observe, not only that we respect the rich and powerful, where they shew no inclination to serve us, but also when we lie so much out of the sphere of their activity, that they cannot even be supposed to be endowed with that power. Prisoners of war are always treated with a respect suitable to their condition; and it is certain riches go very far towards fixing the condition of any person.

If birth and quality enter for a share, this still affords us an argument of the same kind. For what is it we call a man of birth, but one who is descended from a long succession of rich and powerful ancestors, and who acquires our esteem by his relation to persons whom we esteem? His ancestors, therefore, though dead, are respected, in some measure, on account of their riches, and consequently without any kind of expectation.

But not to go so far as prisoners of war and the dead to find instances of this disinterested esteem for riches, let us observe with a little attention those phaenomena that occur to us in common life and conversation. A man, who is himself of a competent fortune, upon coming into a company of strangers, naturally treats them with different degrees of respect and deference, as he is informed of their different fortunes and conditions; though it is impossible he can ever propose, and perhaps would not accept of any advantage from them. A traveller is always admitted into company, and meets with civility, in proportion as his train and equipage speak him a man of great or moderate fortune. In short, the different ranks of men are, in a great measure, regulated by riches, and that with regard to superiors as well as inferiors, strangers as well as acquaintance.

There is, indeed, an answer to these arguments, drawn from the influence of general rules. It may be pretended, that being accustomed to expect succour and protection from the rich and powerful, and to esteem them upon that account, we extend the same sentiments to those, who resemble them in their fortune, but from whom we can never hope for any advantage. The general rule still prevails, and by giving a bent to the imagination draws along the passion, in the same manner as if its proper object were real and existent.

But that this principle does not here take place, will easily appear, if we consider, that in order to establish a general rule, and extend it beyond its proper bounds, there is required a certain uniformity in our experience, and a great superiority of those instances, which are conformable to the rule, above the contrary. But here the case is quite otherwise. Of a hundred men of credit and fortune I meet with, there is not, perhaps, one from whom I can expect advantage; so that it is impossible any custom can ever prevail in the present case.

Upon the whole, there remains nothing, which can give us an esteem for power and riches, and a contempt for meanness and poverty, except the principle of sympathy, by which we enter into the sentiments of the rich and poor, and partake of their pleasure and uneasiness. Riches give satisfaction to their possessor; and this satisfaction is conveyed to the beholder by the imagination, which produces an idea resembling the original impression in force and vivacity. This agreeable idea or impression is connected with love, which is an agreeable passion. It proceeds from a thinking conscious being, which is the very object of love. From this relation of impressions, and identity of ideas, the passion arises, according to my hypothesis.

The best method of reconciling us to this opinion is to take a general survey of the universe, and observe the force of sympathy through the whole animal creation, and the easy communication of sentiments from one thinking being to another. In all creatures, that prey not upon others, and are not agitated with violent passions, there appears a remarkable desire of company, which associates them together, without any advantages they can ever propose to reap from their union. This is still more conspicuous in man, as being the creature of the universe, who has the most ardent desire of society, and is fitted for it by the most advantages. We can form no wish, which has not a reference to society. A perfect solitude is, perhaps, the greatest punishment we can suffer. Every pleasure languishes when enjoyed a-part from company, and every pain becomes more cruel and intolerable.

Whatever other passions we may be actuated by; pride, ambition, avarice, curiosity, revenge or lust; the soul or animating principle of them all is sympathy; nor would they have any force, were we to abstract entirely from the thoughts and sentiments of others. Let all the powers and elements of nature conspire to serve and obey one man: Let the sun rise and set at his command: The sea and rivers roll as he pleases, and the earth furnish spontaneously whatever may be useful or agreeable to him: He will still be miserable, till you give him some one person at least, with whom he may share his happiness, and whose esteem and friendship he may enjoy.

This conclusion from a general view of human nature, we may confirm by particular instances, wherein the force of sympathy is very remarkable. Most kinds of beauty are derived from this origin; and though our first object be some senseless inanimate piece of matter, it is seldom we rest there, and carry not our view to its influence on sensible and rational creatures. A man, who shews us any house or building, takes particular care among other things to point out the convenience of the apartments, the advantages of their situation, and the little room lost in the stairs, antichambers and passages; and indeed it is evident, the chief part of the beauty consists in these particulars.

The observation of convenience gives pleasure, since convenience is a beauty. But after what manner does it give pleasure? It is certain our own interest is not in the least concerned; and as this is a beauty of interest, not of form, so to speak, it must delight us merely by communication, and by our sympathizing with the proprietor of the lodging. We enter into his interest by the force of imagination, and feel the same satisfaction, that the objects naturally occasion in him.

This observation extends to tables, chairs, scritoires, chimneys, coaches, sadles, ploughs, and indeed to every work of art; it being an universal rule, that their beauty is chiefly derived from their utility, and from their fitness for that purpose, to which they are destined. But this is an advantage, that concerns only the owner, nor is there any thing but sympathy, which can interest the spectator.

It is evident, that nothing renders a field more agreeable than its fertility, and that scarce any advantages of ornament or situation will be able to equal this beauty. It is the same case with particular trees and plants, as with the field on which they grow. I know not but a plain, overgrown with furze and broom, may be, in itself, as beautiful as a hill covered with vines or olive-trees; though it will never appear so to one, who is acquainted with the value of each. But this is a beauty merely of imagination, and has no foundation in what appears to the senses. Fertility and value have a plain reference to use; and that to riches, joy, and plenty; in which though we have no hope of partaking, yet we enter into them by the vivacity of the fancy, and share them, in some measure, with the proprietor.

There is no rule in painting more reasonable than that of ballancing the figures, and placing them with the greatest exactness on their proper centers of gravity. A figure, which is not justly ballanced, is disagreeable; and that because it conveys the ideas of its fall, of harm, and of pain: Which ideas are painful, when by sympathy they acquire any degree of force and vivacity.

Add to this, that the principal part of personal beauty is an air of health and vigour, and such a construction of members as promises strength and activity. This idea of beauty cannot be accounted for but by sympathy.

In general we may remark, that the minds of men are mirrors to one another, not only because they reflect each others emotions, but also because those rays of passions, sentiments and opinions may be often reverberated, and may decay away by insensible degrees.

Thus the pleasure, which a rich man receives from his possessions, being thrown upon the beholder, causes a pleasure and esteem; which sentiments again, being perceived and sympathized with, encrease the pleasure of the possessor; and being once more reflected, become a new foundation for pleasure and esteem in the beholder.

There is certainly an original satisfaction in riches derived from that power, which they bestow, of enjoying all the pleasures of life; and as this is their very nature and essence, it must be the first source of all the passions, which arise from them. One of the most considerable of these passions is that of love or esteem in others, which therefore proceeds from a sympathy with the pleasure of the possessor. But the possessor has also a secondary satisfaction in riches arising from the love and esteem he acquires by them, and this satisfaction is nothing but a second reflexion of that original pleasure, which proceeded from himself.

This secondary satisfaction or vanity becomes one of the principal recommendations of riches, and is the chief reason, why we either desire them for ourselves, or esteem them in others. Here then is a third rebound of the original pleasure; after which it is difficult to distinguish the images and reflexions, by reason of their faintness and confusion. --Hume

Obviously the Physics thread skipped today. David Hume makes a strong argument and I'll not bend his words to my purpose this time. He states his points clearly for us, but "The observation of convenience gives pleasure" is an insight that I particularly wished to present on this day. Attended by his reasonings, of course, and as usual.

I'll continue with the Physics of the 18&19th Century in the next JEs. Until then.

News on the deck plates:
Big dog has to have heart fixed after sleeping on the floor with the Bush fleas. Or shall we put it another way? Bush made a man waiting for a heart operation sleep on the floor. Ok, libertarian -- two heartless bastards one needs immediate fixing the other is hopeless.

Ronnie Corbett has joined fellow comedy stars Victoria Wood and David Jason in attacking the declining standards of British television programmes. Speaking to the Radio Times, the Two Ronnies star said there is too much bad language and reality TV. "You get fed up watching shows with not much care and love," he complained. Fix your society and I'm sure the TV will reflect the change. PS2Ronnie: Fuck *you*! Too harsh on the comic? Not!

On the other hand we have SA. South Africa is to change the name of its capital city, Pretoria, to Tshwane, as part of a move to make place names more African. Pretoria was named after Andries Pretorius, a folk hero of the Afrikaner group, which set up apartheid. Tshwane, which means "We are the same", is the name given to the area by early African groups. Tshwane is much better.

Still not good in Iraq. Witnesses described hearing a huge explosion and seeing fireballs and black smoke rise above the pipeline, which carries oil to Baghdad's Dora oil refinery. Against a backdrop of continuing violence, Iraq said on Sunday that it would hold the first session of its newly elected assembly on 16 March. Deputy Prime Minister Barham Salih said that if a government had not been selected by then, discussions would continue within the assembly itself. 1502! Unofficial is now 1553 American men and women, who will never hear Vera [press cue button, cue ,cue *bugger*, cue, again, cue...cue...]

Shrub states the end game rules. Like an earlier generation, America is pursuing a clear strategy with our allies to achieve victory. Our immediate strategy is to eliminate terrorist threats abroad, so we do not have to face them here at home. The theory here is straightforward: terrorists are less likely to endanger our security if they are worried about their own security. When terrorists spend their days struggling to avoid death or capture, they are less capable of arming and training to commit new attacks. We will keep the terrorists on the run, until they have nowhere left to hide. And the rule is: "Nowhere left to hide" = "Must control the whole world to make that true". Imperial Rule, Pax Americana, And Lift up your dress if the answer is no.

The Gospel According to Antonin Scalia and Refuseniks.

Softball fans rejoice as Rummy's mouth piece swings at the pitches.
QUESTION: Can we move to China?

MR. BOUCHER: Yeah.

You're already there, baby! Play Ball!

QUESTION: Okay. Regarding to the China anti-secession law we saw, there is a draft and some explanation about the possible content of the law. I wonder do you have any comment about the possible non-peaceful means to resolve Taiwan issues announced by Beijing, and especially there seems to draw a red line.

MR. BOUCHER: Well, let me talk about a couple of things regarding this law. The full -- the first is to say I don't think the full text is actually out. There has been a description of it, though, given in public and we've looked at that and we've studied that as best we can. The description given by National People's Congress Standing Committee Deputy Chairman Wang Zhaoguo on March 8th, we think runs counter to recent trends towards a warming in cross-straits relations and we would consider passage of this law unhelpful.

The law, as you noted, calls for non-peaceful means possibly to be directed at Taiwan. We have always opposed any attempt to determine the future of Taiwan by other than peaceful means. Our policy, I think, is well known, but let me say again we're committed to a "one China" policy; we uphold the three communiqués; we do not support Taiwan independence. Moreover, we oppose any attempts to unilaterally alter the status quo by either side.

We will continue to talk to both sides about these developments. We'll continue to urge both sides to avoid steps that raise tension, that risk beginning a cycle of reaction and counter-reaction, which could make dialogue more difficult.

QUESTION: A follow-up?

MR. BOUCHER: Yeah.

QUESTION: What explained by Wang Zhaoguo seems to indicated that China could attack Taiwan if there is a major incidence happened, you know, a change in this status quo move to Taiwan independence. Will U.S. worry that this is too ambiguous and give China, you know, a leverage of interpretation of what the status --

MR. BOUCHER: I'm not going to try to interpret a Chinese law that we haven't seen that hasn't been passed, but certainly the kind of description of this law that we've seen, as I said, we consider unhelpful. We have made clear to both sides they don't -- they shouldn't be taking steps right now or any time to try to unilaterally alter the situation, and that remains our position.

Yeah.

QUESTION: Can you elaborate on that? You said that it was unhelpful. You then went directly into the reference to the non-peaceful means being directed at Taiwan. And now you've given a second reason, which is that you seem to suggest that the law, insofar as you understand it, would appear to be a step in the direction of resolving this unilaterally.

What is your beef with the law, the non-peaceful or that you think it's a unilateral effort, or both?

MR. BOUCHER: Both.

QUESTION: Anything else on --

MR. BOUCHER: No, I'll stop at that for the moment.

QUESTION: Richard, you can't run away from the fact that the gist was --

QUESTION: A follow-up?

MR. BOUCHER: Wait, we're -- you're still on this, right?

QUESTION: Yeah.

MR. BOUCHER: Let him ask the question.

QUESTION: Plus, you still can't run away from the fact that the gist of the legislation is that China would invade Taiwan if it makes any move to secede from whatever, so how would this really give any implication to the U.S. security assurances to Taiwan?

MR. BOUCHER: We have always said that any attempt by a party to resolve this by other than peaceful means could be a threat to peace and security in the region. That's a position we've always taken and that still applies. I think the point to be made about the law -- I know it's been described in various ways. The Chinese have described it as an effort for peaceful means to be used and emphasized how much it talks about peaceful attempts to reach dialogue, but they've also noted that this possibility of using non-peaceful means is in the law as well.

I think our view would be, simply put, the two sides in different places passing laws or trying to define things is not the way this is going to be solved. This is going to be solved by the two sides getting together and talking to each other through dialogue. And passage of legislation is not going to help solve the problem. It's the peaceful dialogue that we've always supported that we think could be used to solve the problem and that's where we'd like to see the parties expending their effort.

QUESTION: What is the problem?

QUESTION: Just one quick one?

QUESTION: I mean, you say there's only one China --

MR. BOUCHER: Yeah.

QUESTION: So the fact that the democratic island would like to wriggle -- maybe wiggle free from an authoritarian government doesn't have U.S. support. What is to resolve except the absorption of Taiwan back by the mainland? Is that right?

MR. BOUCHER: The problem is the strained relationships, the tension, the danger that exists between the people in the mainland and the people on Taiwan.

QUESTION: The people. Well, their representatives, too, no?

MR. BOUCHER: And given the political conditions, yes.

QUESTION: Has the U.S. expressed its concerns about the legislation directly to Chinese officials?

MR. BOUCHER: We have. Ever since the law was being discussed, we've talked about this with people in China, in the PRC as well as people on Taiwan. We've had continuing discussions with both sides and we expect that dialogue will -- that discussion will continue.

QUESTION: Has Secretary Rice talked with her counterpart about it?

MR. BOUCHER: I'd have to check. I don't think so. I don't think this particular topic has come up, but I'd have to double-check.

One and one.

QUESTION: Richard, to come back to the anti-secession law, during the discussions between the United States and China, has the United States ever raised objection to the law? And in your conversation with Taiwanese authorities, what are you telling them or urging them to do or not to do?

MR. BOUCHER: In our contacts with both sides, we've made clear that we think that this kind of legislation is unhelpful. We've also encouraged both sides to pursue a peaceful dialogue. That's been a very consistent position of the United States.

QUESTION: Did -- sorry -- quick follow-up.

MR. BOUCHER: Yeah.

QUESTION: When Secretary Rice spoke to the Chinese Foreign Minister yesterday, did she raise objection to this?

MR. BOUCHER: She talked to the Chinese Foreign Minister on Monday, which, in fact, was yesterday, and this subject didn't come up yesterday. I was asked if she ever raised it, and I said I'd have to check.

Two and one.

QUESTION: This is a new topic, on Italy and the firing of the convoy. I know that you talked a little about it yesterday. But today, General Casey maintained that he did not know that the convoy was going to be arriving at this checkpoint. He couldn't rule out that nobody in the U.S. Government or the Embassy or anybody knew that the convoy was going to be moving in this area, and the Italian Government maintains that the U.S. Government did know. Can you say whether anybody at the Embassy or any U.S. officials out of this Department --

MR. BOUCHER: I'm not going to try do this piecemeal. What we need now, and I think we and the Italians agree on this, is a complete and cooperative investigation and we will be undertaking that with the Italians participating in the inquiry and that -- that's going to commence shortly. We will get to the bottom of this together with the Italians. We will get to the bottom of this and get to the know all the facts together. That's what's important.

I think we've very clearly expressed our deep condolences for the tragic event. We've offered Italy our assistance in dealing with the aftermath of the incident. I think the Pentagon has, in fact, briefed on this. But the important thing now is to get the facts and we'll be doing that and we'll be working with the Italians to do that together.

But the important thing now is to get the call of strike three. More fun in there as usual.

Free and not dead press. The US says shots were fired because the vehicle was speeding and did not heed troops' warnings for it to stop. But Mr Fini said the car was travelling at no more than 40km per hour. Calipari had also made "all the necessary contacts" with US and Italian officials about the hostage's release and the journey to the airport, he added. Press Release: Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs via Scoop.co.nz

OYAITJ:
64595 :
The Boeing 727-100 was held on Sunday after it "made a false declaration of its cargo and crew," Zimbabwe Home Affairs Minister Kembo Mohadi said. ...she tasted royalty and fame/ if you saw her now./ That's what we're paid for/That's what we're paid for here.

Washington has guaranteed that Haiti's now deeply scarred society is unlikely to easily recuperate from the wounds inflicted on it by an array of villains, both foreign [Haiti] and domestic [USA].

Lord Boyce, who as Admiral Sir Michael Boyce was the chief of defence staff, broke his silence over the legal crisis on the eve of conflict when he revealed he had demanded a formal assurance that war would be legal as British troops massed on the Iraq border, but only received it five days before action began.

That revelation will increase speculation that the prime minister pressed the attorney general, Lord Goldsmith - known to have offered ambiguous advice two weeks before the conflict - to change it at the last minute, and intensify demands that he publish it in full. The prime minister has refused to do so, arguing that this would be contrary to convention.

Yesterday the former foreign secretary Sir Malcolm Rifkind, now the parliamentary candidate for the safe Tory seat of Kensington and Chelsea, added to calls for the advice to be published. He said it would create an "uncomfortable precedent" but added: "We live in uncomfortable times."

The Labour peer Lady Kennedy said yesterday that the government had known which lawyers were likely to give it the answer it wanted on the legality of war because it held a seminar for experts which "flushed out" opponents.

"There was nothing as crude as a phone-around to find out what views were," she said. "It wasn't legal opinion shopping. It was more subtle - more like window shopping."

"Going to war was entirely political, not legal."
and more.

Texttoon:[update Mar 10/05 Now available in a visual translation]
Fumetti : Stock photo of Donald Rumsfeld talking to the press. Overlayed speech bubble has him singing:
"Give me back my broken night/
My mirrored room/ My secret life/

It's lonely here/ There's no one left to torture/

Give me absolute control/ Over every living soul/
And lie beside me, baby/ That's an order!/"

Heh

[Stargoat]

Naughty Donald.