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Journal Journal: black hawk down

For a while I have wondered "What was the black hawk down all about?"
In late 2001 or early 2002 I acquired a 216x160(170MB) theatre rip from one of the irc networks. Saved it to a cd. Saw it once before coming to India. The movie was quite interesting even though I couldn't get clear audio and the video during the battle scenes were a little blurred..
Saw the movie from the cd again in 2003 but still couldn't the gist of it.
Yesterday night, the movie was airing on hbo. I saw 10-15 min of it and then it occured to me that I should get details on what it was all about. I have read reviews of the movie and partly of what happened but 4 paras is too little.

What do you get when you type "black hawk down" in google? The fifth result is what you should read. Philadephia Inquirer has a 22 chapter online account(later compiled into a book) from Mark Bowden. But the web feature has got additional videos, photos and audio and a 20 round Q&A with Bowden.

I looked for additional information from newspapers that they published in 93, washpost has a section.

update- The book 3 times as more detailed than the online series.

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Journal Journal: google blogging

This was quite an unusual story(not sure why slashdot hasn't pounced on it yet..)

siliconvalley.com

Welcome to Google. Now shut up. In a lot of ways, Google is a model of a progressive company, projecting a sense of fun, creativity and higher purpose. But on the subject of what its employees can say publicly, it's a strict constructionist. When it comes to talking about the inner workings of the company, there's one rule: Don't do it. That's the rule newbie Googler Mark Jen apparently broke, and as a result, he's now free to explore other opportunities. In January, Jen simultaneously signed on at Google and began blogging his experiences and impressions on a site called Ninetyninezeros (one zero short of googol). A week later, the blog disappeared, only to return a few days later in edited form, with Jen's explanation that he was trying to respond to some concerns of his employer. Make that trying and failing. Word gradually emerged in the tight community of Google watchers that Jen was frogmarched off the campus in late January. And if a memo has gone 'round reminding employees that blogs may build the company but kill a career, no word has leaked out.

news.com

outer-court.com

zawodny.com- A chat with Mark Zen (zawodny is a yahoo employee)

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Journal Journal: P&G's Gillette Edge:The Playbook It Honed at Wal-Mart

Consumer-Products Giant
Helps Huge Retailer Make
Specialty Items Mainstream
Coffee Beans for Beginners
By SARAH ELLISON, ANN ZIMMERMAN and CHARLES FORELLE
Staff Reporters of THE WALL STREET JOURNAL
January 31, 2005

Procter & Gamble Co. Chief Executive A.G. Lafley has a strategy in mind for Gillette Co., and he learned it from navigating one of the business world's most intertwined relationships -- P&G and Wal-Mart Stores Inc. His approach: Take mundane products and make them so glamorous and distinctive that the world's largest retailer won't be able to resist them.

Mr. Lafley realized soon after becoming CEO nearly five years ago that Wal-Mart's strategy is not only to supply products at the lowest cost but to get people to turn to Wal-Mart for things they normally find elsewhere, at specialty stores, restaurants or even the doctor's office.

    SOAP AND LATHER

  Graphic: Key brands at Gillette and P&G

  Complete coverage

So P&G is upgrading its Olay face creams and marketing them as better than department-store brands and just as good as a botox shot from a plastic surgeon. Tooth-whitening used to be an expensive process that was available only at the dentist's office. P&G's Crest Whitestrips gave it a $25 price tag and made it possible for the masses. P&G, maker of the Actonel osteoporosis drug, helps women get bone-density tests in stores instead of a doctor's office. All of this is available at Wal-Mart. And now that P&G is buying Gillette for $52.4 billion based on Friday's close, P&G is likely to push even more such programs using Gillette brands.

For P&G and Wal-Mart, "it's a lot like a marriage," says Lou Pritchett, who, as P&G vice president of sales, met with Wal-Mart founder Sam Walton to establish the companies' relationship in 1987. "Sometimes you want to slice each other's throats, and there are other times when it's a love-in."

Fully 17%, or $8.7 billion, of P&G's $51.4 billion in sales come from Wal-Mart's 5,100 stores world-wide. The companies link their computer systems and share sales data and marketing plans. One of P&G's largest offices outside its Cincinnati headquarters is in Fayetteville, Ark., down the road from Wal-Mart headquarters. The two companies cozy up to each other, only at times to pull back and compete fiercely.

Being the best-selling brand is always a goal for consumer-products companies. But it has become a matter of survival as Wal-Mart has become a bigger player in the world of retail. Wal-Mart is brutally focused on stocking only a few brands on its shelves. Moving products quickly through its stores is crucial to the company's profitability, so Wal-Mart swiftly abandons products that aren't selling well.

Before becoming CEO, Mr. Lafley ran P&G's beauty business, which trained him in the power of selling an upscale image. He aims to push brands that were once mid-tier into the premium echelons. "Here's our real strategy -- secret sauce. We want to make the ... middle to the top of the market as big as it can possibly be through innovation and new ideas," said Mr. Lafley, in an interview as he was laying out his strategy in the summer of 2003.

The drive by P&G, Gillette and Wal-Mart to offer increasingly elaborate products at reasonable prices is helping reshape consumer taste across America. Items like cappuccino makers and spa treatments that were once the domain of specialty stores in cities on the coasts are now common throughout the country. Wal-Mart argues that it forces suppliers to become more efficient and passes gains to consumers in the form of lower prices and a broader selection.

P&G's acquisition was not driven by a desire to have greater leverage with Wal-Mart, Mr. Lafley said in an interview Friday. Asked if the balance of power has shifted to suppliers, he likes to reply, "The power has shifted to the consumer." P&G says it offers the same programs to all its suppliers and doesn't give any special treatment to Wal-Mart.

Instead, Mr. Lafley spoke of the potential of expanding into products like women's shaving, a market Gillette leads with its Venus brand but one that isn't nearly as developed compared with its men's lines.

Mr. Lafley, who had already established himself as P&G's most acquisitive CEO, buying up beauty companies like Clairol and Wella, wasn't looking for a deal. After expanding a restructuring that had begun under his predecessor, Mr. Lafley was finally shaking the nagging concern on Wall Street that P&G relied on one kind of restructuring program or another to achieve earnings growth. In recent months, he has told investors P&G was focused on internal growth, not dealmaking.

So when Gillette CEO James Kilts initially approached Mr. Lafley last fall, the talks didn't go far. Then earlier this month, Mr. Lafley, attracted by Gillette's brands, went back to Mr. Kilts and they quickly hammered out a deal. The acquisition of Gillette would be far larger than any previous acquisition in P&G's 168 years. Its next largest was Wella for $7 billion.

For both P&G and Gillette, Wal-Mart is the largest single seller of their products. It accounts for 13% of Gillette's $9.25 billion in annual sales. P&G's sales at Wal-Mart traditionally have grown faster than its total company growth rate, which was 19% in its last fiscal year, ended June 30. Wal-Mart has even lately worried about suppliers becoming too reliant on it, noting that any time companies rely too much on each other, they inherit all the risks of the other.

Close partnerships between stores and manufacturers are becoming more common now, with such retailers as Costco Wholesale Corp., Target Corp. and Carrefour SA of France moving to that model. P&G and Wal-Mart pioneered the idea and created the template for others. So many manufacturers have offices near Wal-Mart that they dub the town "Vendorville." P&G and Wal-Mart representatives declined to discuss their relationship, citing a policy not to discuss supplier-retailer relationships.

About 300 people work in P&G's Arkansas office, overseeing sales of its brands to Wal-Mart and devising cross-marketing and other tie-ins. After a few years on the account, P&G tends to send managers on to the next assignment because they can often start to identify as much with Wal-Mart's needs as with P&G's, says Tom Muccio, who headed P&G's Wal-Mart team until retiring last year.

"The people were paid by P&G and sat in P&G's office, but it was like they were working for Wal-Mart and P&G equally," Mr. Muccio says. "The payroll just happened to come from P&G."

When Wal-Mart discovered a downside to P&G's and Gillette's pricier products like Crest Whitestrips and Mach3 razors -- these products were the most popular to steal -- it turned to the suppliers for an answer. One Saturday in January 2001, Tom Coughlin, a Wal-Mart vice-chairman, summoned executives from both companies to Bentonville, asking them to fix the problem, Mr. Muccio recalls.

So, P&G altered its packaging to make its products harder to steal. It changed its Olay package from a box to a clear plastic container with a flat piece of cardboard, known as a "clamshell" because it is so difficult to open. It made the Crest Whitestrips package larger and added an extra layer of plastic. It assumed the extra cost. Gillette also adopted clamshell packaging for its razor packs. For the blade refills, it created a clear-front, plastic dispenser system fitted with drawers that let customers take just one package at a time.

Until Messrs. Walton and Pritchett canoed down Arkansas' Spring River for two days in the summer of 1987, there was barely a relationship between the two companies. "We shipped them products and they sent us a check back," says Mr. Pritchett. "It was we sell. You buy. Good-bye." Years before, Wal-Mart had named P&G its supplier of the year, and P&G hadn't bother to show up to pick up the award.

But advances in technology made Mr. Pritchett believe the two could work together to sell P&G products more efficiently. Mr. Pritchett proposed that P&G share some of its consumer research with Wal-Mart in exchange for a better picture of how P&G's products were selling. Mr. Walton agreed, as long as Mr. Pritchett could sell the idea to his "Yankee bosses." Mr. Pritchett realized then how little the two companies knew about each other. "Cincinnati is in the Midwest," he recalls thinking. (Mr. Walton died in 1992. Mr. Pritchett, who has retired from P&G in 1989, now advises companies on the importance of partnerships.)

Early on, P&G employees, who relocated to Fayetteville to be close to Wal-Mart, called their adopted home Fayette-nam, and often griped about Wal-Mart's demands. Still, P&G and Wal-Mart came up with specific goals. In their first collaboration, Wal-Mart complained that Pampers diapers sat for too long in its warehouses, costing it money. Wal-Mart buyers were shipping diapers from the factory every two weeks. After gaining access to Wal-Mart's sales data, P&G assigned one manager to monitor the data and order just enough Pampers to meet sales but not too much so that the diapers sat in the warehouse.

By the mid-nineties, as P&G was starting to struggle to maintain its sales and earnings momentum, Wal-Mart's business was taking off with the rapid expansion of its supercenters. Wal-Mart was quick to take advantage of a P&G miscalculation. P&G had let the trademark on its White Cloud toilet paper lapse in 1994, in order to concentrate on its pricier Charmin brand. A private entrepreneur snapped up the trademark and sold it to Wal-Mart. Wal-Mart started displaying White Cloud with open rolls so shoppers could touch and compare. White Cloud sales quickly increased, hurting P&G's Charmin.

P&G executives felt betrayed, executives involved in the business at the time say. All the consumer market research P&G had shared with Wal-Mart on how to sell toilet paper was being used against it. "The beauty about White Cloud for Wal-Mart was that we had built that Mercedes image and they brought it in at Chevy prices," Mr. Muccio says.

When Mr. Lafley hastily became CEO in June 2000, P&G was reeling from months of turmoil under his predecessor, Durk Jager. Mr. Jager realized P&G needed to innovate more quickly to keep its products relevant, but he went about it by trying to invent new ones like at-home dry cleaning kits and fruit-and-vegetable washes and neglected some P&G's core brands like Tide and Pampers. Mr. Lafley reversed that. He said he wanted innovation in the company's top 10 brands.

Mr. Lafley, who has a B.A. in history from Hamilton College and briefly pursued a master's degree in medieval and Renaissance history at the University of Virginia, latched onto Wal-Mart's effort to fill an ever-greater role in its shoppers' lives. P&G's consumer research helped develop specific programs for Wal-Mart that bundle P&G's products into a theme, like "Speaking of Women's Health," a nonprofit program that hosts several thousand women each year at a meeting in Cincinnati and hosts dozens of smaller events, to discuss topics like breast cancer and osteoporosis in Wal-Marts across the country. Another, "Babies First," is an initiative that supports children's immunizations, safety seats and a healthy diet. It is sponsored by Pampers, Wal-Mart and the American Academy of Pediatrics.

While P&G doesn't necessarily promote its products at such events, company marketers calculate that such events lend both P&G and Wal-Mart a halo, presenting P&G as an authority on parenting and health and Wal-Mart as a place to get an education on such topics. P&G thinks its sales of diapers increase as a result, giving its brand the clout to expand into new products like foaming wash mittens and disposable bibs.

In 2001, Mr. Muccio says P&G developed a brand of coffee, called Veneto, just for Wal-Mart. Seattle's Best Coffee, a mid-size brand then owned by AFC Enterprises, had approached Wal-Mart about selling its coffee beans for about $2 more than P&G's canned Folgers and about $2 less than P&G's higher-end Millstone brand. P&G's Mr. Muccio quickly suggested another option to Wal-Mart: P&G would develop a new mid-tier coffee specifically for Wal-Mart.

P&G came up with Veneto, a whole-bean coffee not as strong as Millstone or the similarly priced Starbucks. P&G and Wal-Mart employees on the project joked that Veneto was the Fisher-Price version of whole bean coffee, as in "my first whole bean." The product was specifically designed to appeal to consumers who had a taste for Folgers or its main competitor, Kraft Foods Inc.'s Maxwell House, but who wanted to participate in the Starbucks phenomenon. P&G's team helped Wal-Mart run consumer taste tests comparing Veneto with Seattle's Best, which is now owned by Starbucks Corp. Today, Wal-Mart stocks Seattle's Best at some stores and Veneto at others, but the P&G brand helped keep the competition from dominating that middle tier, according to Wal-Mart.

Coffee isn't even a priority product for P&G, and, with Veneto, P&G designed a product to get consumers to trade up from its own Folger's. The product, though, showed what has become one of P&G's greatest strengths under Mr. Lafley -- making consumers pay a premium for products that are only marginally different from the staples they've purchased for years.

Similarly, Gillette introduces major new product shifts in its razors every five to 10 years, and with them substantial price increases. Its trade-up strategy has a second part: As it introduces new razors, Gillette slowly pulls up the price of its "tail" brands, the older generations. Eventually, the company figures, a Mach3 user will notice that the new Mach3Turbo isn't that much more and will jump to the costlier product.

P&G is planning to leave Gillette's razor and battery businesses and its Braun line of small appliances intact, but meld the rest of the company's deodorant and other products into P&G's structure, according to a person familiar with the negotiations between the two firms. Mr. Kilts sees male skincare as an area where the companies could possibly team up to develop new products. P&G's knowledge of skincare, with its Olay anti-aging creams for women, combined with Gillette's reach with male consumers, makes it a natural, Mr. Kilts said in an interview. "That's something that exists as a sort of East Coast West Coast phenomenon now," says Mr. Kilts, "but we see it moving into the middle of the country and really taking off."

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Journal Journal: australian open

http://www.boston.com/sports/other_sports/tennis/articles/2005/01/29/this_islands_fantasy_rides_on_hewitt?pg=full

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Journal Journal: We are tous Québécois

Reading the headline of this article immediately reminded me of my National Geographic magazine I re-read just a month back. "One Canada Or Two? April 1977" (took some searching to find this one because there is another article "Quebec: French City in an Anglo-Saxon World March 1971"

http://www.aliensonearth.com/catalog/detail/0713/0713L714372.html

Quite disappointing to see English getting snuffed out in Quebec while the world is going in the other direction. Maybe later on I will post a scan of that article.

We are tous Québécois
Jan 6th 2005 | MONTREAL
From The Economist print edition

English Quebeckers learn to live and love in French

Get article background

TRADITIONALLY, the English-speaking minority in Quebec kept itself pretty much to itself, in the leafy western suburbs of Montreal or the farming towns to its south. The Anglos had little interest in mixing with the province's French-speaking majority and little ability to do so: most spoke French poorly and infrequently, if at all. So goes the stereotype of the Anglo-Quebecker in the province's (French-language) literature, film and television.

If this was once accurate, it is no longer so. Now more than two-thirds of Quebec's 750,000 English-speakers can also speak French--double the proportion of the 1970s. Even in those rich ghettos in western Montreal, French is spoken almost as much as English. "The stereotype has evolved from a real man to a straw man," jokes Jack Jedwab of Montreal's Association for Canadian Studies and the author of a recent government report on Quebec's English-speakers. The report noted other signs of integration. As Anglos learn to speak French younger and better, frequently choosing to study in French schools, there has been a surge in marriage (or at least coupling) outside the community. Now, 40% of them have non-anglophone partners, and a quarter have paired with French-speakers.

The difficulty of reforming Quebec
Feb 12th 2004

Canada

Language

The Office of the Commissioner of Official Languages publishes "The Evolution of Quebec's English-Speaking Community".

Closer contact has eased tensions between what were once known as "the two solitudes" who share Quebec. Even the most militant English-speakers--dubbed the "angryphones"--seem less outraged by the provincial government's efforts to promote French. However, several court challenges to Law 101, the province's strict language law, remain pending.

Passed in 1977, this law has made French the first language of government, business and education. Only children who have a parent who was educated in English in Canada can attend an English-speaking public school; all others, including immigrants from Britain, must study in French--or in private schools. Law 101 has in turn created an economic incentive to learn French. Without it, a young anglophone is twice as likely to be unemployed; if he has a job, he can expect to earn only 65% as much as a bilingual colleague.

The result: many of the province's traditional English institutions are declining, and some are dying. Since the 1970s, enrolment in English-speaking schools has fallen by 60%. Dozens have closed their doors, or switched to French. Six more in the Montreal area are due to close in September. Quebec's only English-language daily newspaper, Montreal's Gazette, is in similar straits. In the early 1980s, its Saturday edition sold 280,000 copies; now it sells 163,000. English universities are faring better, because they face no language restrictions. They are recruiting French-Canadians keen to study in English.

All of this has implications for Quebec's politics. Since its rise in the 1960s, the fortunes of the secessionist movement in the province have risen and fallen in unison with tensions over language. When the separatist Parti Québécois (PQ) was first elected to the provincial government in the 1970s, English was still the language of power and public conversation--even though French-speakers outnumbered those of English by six to one. One of the PQ's first acts was to push through Law 101. Within five years, 100,000 English-speakers and many businesses left the province. Many of those who stayed have learnt French. They have been joined by English-speaking migrants from Asian countries and the Caribbean, whose children now speak French, if compulsorily.

With linguistic tension much reduced, the sovereignty movement will need a new cause around which to rally, says Deirdre Meintel, an anthropologist at the University of Montreal who specialises in minorities. Quebec provides her with rich material: both English- and French-speakers are both a majority and a minority depending on whether the reference point is Canada, North America or just the province. Perhaps that explains why most francophone Quebeckers still feel French is threatened in the province and English secure, while anglophones say the opposite. Even so, according to Ms Meintel, Anglophone openness to French is reciprocated in less "francophone chauvinism" and a more inclusive society. "You can be Québécois now without having spoken French all your life," she says. "You can still have an accent." So the language issue itself is now neither grave nor acute.

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Journal Journal: His Warning Ignored,Thai Meteorologist Now Plays Key Role

Mr. Smith's Tsunami Fears
Caused Panic, Scorn in '98;
'We Thought It Was a Joke'
By PATRICK BARTA
Staff Reporter of THE WALL STREET JOURNAL
January 10, 2005

BANGKOK, Thailand -- Seven years ago, Smith Dharmasaroja shook Thailand with a bold and frightening prediction.

"I reaffirm that a tsunami is going to occur for sure," said Mr. Smith, a government official who had once been the nation's chief meteorologist.

His warning, made first in a speech and picked up by newspapers in the summer of 1998, quickly spread throughout the country, setting off panic -- and outrage. Villagers along the country's western coast thought the threat was imminent and ran into the hills, causing traffic accidents as they fled. Tourists checked out of their hotels.

Government officials, fearful of a washed-up tourist season, branded Mr. Smith a dangerous man with a screw loose. Authorities on the resort island of Phuket fastened loudspeakers to pickup trucks to broadcast a mollifying message to beachgoers -- and warned Mr. Smith not to come to town.

  WAVE OF DESTRUCTION

See complete coverage of the earthquake and tsunami in South Asia.

"Everyone said I was crazy; a mad, mad dog," Mr. Smith recalls. "If they had just listened."

People are listening now.

Two weeks after one of the most devastating natural disasters in recorded history, the 70-year-old Mr. Smith has been called out of retirement to become an unlikely hero and point man in the effort to prevent the next major tsunami from killing thousands.

In the days following the Dec. 26 tsunami, Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra tapped Mr. Smith to spearhead the creation of a new tsunami-warning system. Thai officials then removed the head of the country's meteorological agency amid accusations he knew about the tsunami but didn't warn the public. The government has now ordered him to work for Mr. Smith -- who was once director-general of the Meteorological Department of Thailand -- until an investigation is completed.

Mr. Smith, a spry, portly man with well-groomed black hair, says he spent much of his time in the past several years relaxing in bed until the early afternoon, after which he would watch sports on television.

Now, he has an office at Government House, Thailand's version of the U.S. White House. His hastily printed business cards describe him as a Vice Minister to the Office of the Prime Minister. The government is considering giving him the power to interrupt all television and radio broadcasts -- if he senses an emergency.

His life has become a whirlwind of speaking engagements, conferences and television appearances. When he visited the tourist resort of Phuket two days after the disaster, he says, he was mobbed by appreciative locals who recognized him from TV. Days later, he donned his only suit and jetted to Jakarta for a global aid conference attended by Colin Powell and other luminaries. While he rubbed shoulders with the Prime Minister of China and leaders from other countries, a delegation of about 50 Thai staffers lobbied to make Thailand the hub of a new regional tsunami-warning system.

It's been exhausting, he says. "I have to get up early in the morning now, because I get a salary."

Thailand's failure to heed the warnings of one of its leading forecasters raises upsetting questions about whether many of the tsunami's deaths could have been prevented. It also illustrates the delicate task ahead as government officials construct a warning system that doesn't spook travelers, especially in areas where the perceived risk is small.

Until Dec. 26, few scientists believed Thailand would ever face a deadly tsunami. Nearby earthquakes were too small. The island of Sumatra was thought to serve as a shield from larger earthquakes that occur off Indonesia.

But Mr. Smith, a largely self-taught seismologist, reached a different conclusion.

Raised in Thailand, he trained as an electrical engineer at the University of Vermont. While in the U.S., he changed his name from Samith to Smith. He joined the Thai meteorology service after returning to Thailand in the 1960s.

He quickly mastered Thailand's predictable weather patterns, which revolve around wet and dry seasons. So he decided to focus his spare energy on earthquakes and tsunamis, even though they weren't considered a major problem in Thailand.

As Mr. Smith rose up the ranks of the meteorology department, he ordered staff to begin collecting earthquake data. He traveled to China to meet with seismologists. One staff member in his department recalls wondering what all the fuss was about.

Mr. Smith was hatching some disturbing theories. Every tsunami he studied in the Pacific had started with an earthquake that registered at least 7.4 on the Richter scale. Although earthquakes of that magnitude were practically unheard of near Thailand, his data led him to the conclusion that one was inevitable as pressures mounted along the region's fault lines. He figured Phuket was in the direct path of a likely tsunami.

Even today, some experts are surprised by Mr. Smith's reasoning.

"You'd really have to go digging into very old historical records and the scientific literature and extrapolate from what's there to find that yes, there could be effects [leading to tsunamis] in Thailand," says Phil Cummins, a seismologist who studies the region at Australia's national geological agency. "But he was correct."

Mr. Smith says he first sent letters to alert local officials of the risk in 1993, but nothing was done. Then, in 1998, a tsunami rolled over Papua New Guinea, killing more than 1,000. The event troubled Mr. Smith, because it occurred on the same fault line he was worried about, which extends toward Thailand. With just a year left before retirement, he decided to go public with fears he had harbored for years.

When word of his predictions hit the press, Phuket officials were furious.

Pamuke Achariyachai, then head of Phuket's Tourism Association, recalls a meeting at which tourist-industry officials complained to the governor of Phuket and other officials.

"We thought it was a joke," said Mr. Pamuke, as he walked down the Phuket beach amid the devastation Friday. "At the moment, I'm very sorry."

Jadet Insawang, Phuket's former governor, says he still thinks the way Mr. Smith spoke out without direct evidence of an imminent tsunami "was just not appropriate." He acknowledges he helped organize the campaign to convince tourists nothing was wrong.

"More than 10,000 tourists canceled their trips," at the time, says Mr. Jadet, now a national politician in Bangkok. "What would you do if you were the governor?"

In Bangkok, Mr. Smith was ridiculed. A local TV reporter joked at the time that viewers who ran into Mr. Smith should run up a hill to higher ground. Mr. Smith's wife collected critical news stories in a scrapbook. One columnist wrote, "The headwind from Smith's mouth...is much stronger than a tsunami which has yet to happen."

After Mr. Smith retired in 1999, he continued to read up on tsunamis at home, where he keeps file folders on the great tsunamis of the past. Some days he tinkered with a collection of classic cars, including a 1975 Corvette.

On Sunday, Dec. 26, after news of the earthquake broke but before the tsunami hit, Mr. Smith says he tried unsuccessfully to reach the Thai meteorological department. When the waves did hit, they inundated a weather-forecasting station Mr. Smith established years ago near Phuket. Three of his former employees are still missing.

Mr. Smith takes solace in the fact that Thai officials have said they will spare no expense in setting up a warning system he once advocated. Among other things, he wants to install sirens and flags on beaches that can be used to alert locals after a major earthquake.

He wants the region to be better prepared because he fears another tsunami will occur. "Maybe not in my lifetime," he says, "but sooner or later it's going to happen again."

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Journal Journal: U.S. Gets Tough On Failure to Repay Student Loans

Education Department Wields
Heavy Hand, Critics Say,
In Some Hard-Luck Cases
No Breaks in Bankruptcy Court
By JOHN HECHINGER
Staff Reporter of THE WALL STREET JOURNAL
January 6, 2005; Page A1

ROLAND, Okla. -- The bill collector called when Clay Stanley, gaunt and suffering from AIDS, lay bedridden in his apartment, back from the hospital after a bout with a viral infection.

It wasn't about a car or credit card. The call concerned a matter Mr. Stanley, who is 39 years old, says he had long forgotten: student loans he took out two decades before. The private collector, acting on behalf of the U.S. Department of Education, said Mr. Stanley must pay $69 a month or the government would take a larger sum than that each month from his Social Security disability checks, Mr. Stanley recalls. "I didn't know what to do, so I said 'OK,' " he says.

Years after a political outcry over high levels of student-loan defaults, the Education Department has become one of the toughest debt collectors around. Over the past decade, it has won a steadily expanding arsenal to wield against former students who don't repay.

A 1998 change in federal law, for instance, made it extremely difficult for people to escape student loans through personal bankruptcy. The Education Department also can now seize parts of borrowers' paychecks, tax refunds and Social Security payments without a court order, a power that only the Internal Revenue Service, among federal agencies, regularly wields.

Access to a government database of the newly employed has enabled the department to make much more effective use of private collection companies. And it can go after even decades-old student loans, because there's no statute of limitations on them, unlike most consumer debt.

As a result, the Education Department collected $5.7 billion in defaulted student loans in the fiscal year ended Sept. 30, more than twice as much as in 1998. For current loans that go into default, the department now projects it will ultimately retrieve every dollar of principal, plus almost 20% in fees and overdue interest, a prediction few private lenders would be bold enough to make.

The aggressive approach has sparked an outcry from some borrowers, consumer-advocacy lawyers and even some bankruptcy-court judges. They complain that the department runs roughshod over some former students who've suffered reversals of fortune. "Student-loan debt collectors have power that would make a mobster envious," says Elizabeth Warren, a Harvard Law School professor and bankruptcy specialist.

Some who favor a softer stance argue that student loans are a form of financial aid -- not quite the same as other consumer credit. They also note that the borrowers have, after all, been encouraged by the federal program to go into debt to attend college. And they say students are usually financially unsophisticated borrowers, lacking an understanding of how debts can pile up because of unpaid interest. So shouldn't they get more slack, the critics ask, than, say, credit-card spendthrifts?

The Education Department responds that taxpayers, legislators and the many students who do repay their loans all expect it to pursue those who don't. It says the federal government, the state agencies that administer the program and the private lenders that primarily make the federally guaranteed loans all work with past-due borrowers. They offer counseling and a chance to refinance at today's low interest rates, says Terri Shaw, the Education Department's chief operating officer for student aid, who adds that there are plans that link the size of payments to incomes. "We're here to help," Ms. Shaw says.

Default Rate

The government's toughness traces back to the 1980s, when politicians became alarmed by high levels of student-loan defaults. Some waged a campaign against deadbeat doctors, lawyers and other professionals taking advantage of the government.

Today the default rate on recently made loans has dropped. It was 5.2% last year, down from 22% in 1990. And professionals such as doctors and lawyers are far from the worst offenders. Graduates of four-year or graduate programs at private universities default at a 3.1% rate, while students of trade schools and community colleges default at almost twice the 5.2% overall rate, according to Education Department data. Studies show that those most likely not to repay are students who, like Mr. Stanley, didn't complete their studies.

In the 1980s, Mr. Stanley took out a $3,700 student loan to attend Garland County Community College in Hot Springs, Ark., then transferred to Henderson State University in Arkadelphia. He never graduated, figuring he needed to take a job to support himself. He worked as a clerk in a hospital, a toy-store manager, a bartender and a blackjack dealer, never earning more than $7 an hour.

After Mr. Stanley learned 10 years ago he had the AIDS virus, he started living on disability checks from Social Security. Standing 6 feet 2 inches, he now weighs just 106 pounds and needs a rubber band to keep a ring from sliding off his thinned ring finger. He doesn't have a job and takes 16 pills a day to stay alive. To help make ends meet, he has a roommate in his apartment in Roland, Okla., near the Arkansas border.

Mr. Stanley says he hadn't heard anything about his student loan in six or seven years when he got a call in late 2003 from Pioneer Credit Recovery Inc. Pioneer is a unit of student-loan giant SLM Corp., commonly called Sallie Mae, and has a contract to collect for the Education Department. Mr. Stanley learned that unpaid interest and penalties had nearly doubled his balance to $7,000.

He was getting $696 a month in Social Security disability payments. He says a Pioneer agent challenged the $225 a month he was paying on his 1999 Pontiac Grand Am, which he uses to drive to a clinic in Tulsa, Okla. "I told him you can take my car if you'll drive me to my doctor's appointments," Mr. Stanley says.

He says the agent told him he needed to start paying $69 a month, or the government could withdraw $189 from each monthly disability check. Mr. Stanley says he agreed to pay $69 a month for six months. He supplied his bank-account number and the withdrawals began.

A spokesman for Pioneer's parent, Sallie Mae, says privacy laws don't permit discussing details of clients, but "we followed all appropriate laws, regulations and procedures in working with and counseling the borrower." Sallie Mae -- once federally chartered but now separate from the government -- buys and repackages loans for sale in the secondary market. It also now originates and services student loans, and its Pioneer unit collects under contract with the Education Department. Like all the student loans, the ones Sallie Mae makes are guaranteed by the federal government.

The Sallie Mae spokesman, Tom Joyce, notes that the government will cancel a student loan only if a doctor signs a form saying the borrower is "totally and permanently disabled." Mr. Stanley says his doctor wouldn't. Without such a signed form, Mr. Joyce says, Sallie Mae's collection unit offers options "to get the loan back on track," and "if that fails, we have no choice but to refer the case" to a state guarantee agency or to the Education Department.

Mr. Stanley says he got a letter this week saying the Education Department had directed the Treasury Department to make automatic deductions toward his delinquent loan from his Social Security disability check, which now is up to $785 a month. The letter didn't say how much the deductions, to begin in March or later, will be. He says the letter did say that the government was permitted to take up to 15% of his check, provided the monthly benefit didn't fall below $750.

Federally guaranteed student loans began with President Johnson's "Great Society" campaign. Now two-thirds of students at private four-year colleges have them, averaging $17,000 at graduation, says the American Council on Education, which represents college and university presidents. Students who go on to private law, medical or other professional schools end up owing an average of almost $74,000. The Education Department opened the program to higher-income families in 1992. Loans outstanding have tripled over the past decade to $357 billion.

Though the U.S. government makes some of the loans directly, most are made by private lenders such as banks, with the government guaranteeing payment. The guarantees plus federal interest-rate subsidies let lenders offer low rates despite students' scant credit history. The rate on new student loans, set annually and tied to Treasury bills, is now 3.37%. Repayment generally begins six months after graduation. The repayment term is usually 10 years, but borrowers can choose a longer one.

If no payments are made for 270 days, loans are in default. Then state agencies -- which both administer the loans and offer lenders an initial guarantee -- will try to collect. If they can't, they will kick the loans back to the Education Department. The department has a stable of collection firms it uses. Under federal law, the collectors are entitled to 20% of what they recover. Those fees are added to borrowers' loan balances.

Four years ago, the collectors started using a national directory of the newly employed compiled from employers' filings with state employment divisions. That has helped in tracking down defaulted student-loan debt, which now totals $30 billion.

An 'Undue Hardship'

In 1998, largely unnoticed, the federal law governing the loans was changed so borrowers could shed them in bankruptcy only by proving it was an "undue hardship" to repay. Student loans thus joined a rarified class of obligations, such as child support and restitution in criminal cases, that can almost never be shirked. It is a very hard test to meet, as cases such as Carol Ann Race's show.

In the 1980s, Ms. Race borrowed $20,000 to study theology and philosophy at the University of St. Thomas in St. Paul, Minn., and another school. Now 42, she has five children, ages 4 through 11. Two are autistic.

Her husband earns $18,000 a year as a nursing-home aide. The family of seven lives in Bertha, Minn., on $28,000 a year, including government disability payments to the autistic children. Ms. Race says she made $300 monthly payments on her student loan for 2½ years before she lost her job as a religious educator in a church in 1994.

She filed for bankruptcy in hopes of getting the loans -- the family's only debt -- canceled. A year ago, U.S. Bankruptcy Court Judge Dennis O'Brien ruled against her. In an interview, the judge says he wanted to let her out of the loans but was sure he would be reversed on appeal. His opinion said that because of higher-court rulings, he couldn't cancel her student loans unless he found that repayment would "strip Race or her family of all that makes life worth living."

At the end of her case, Ms. Race owed $34,000 at 7% interest. Pursued by two state agencies that made the initial guarantee on her loans, she has signed up for a repayment program with a 5.125% rate; the payments will be linked to family income. She says she will be paying the debt for decades, making it difficult to set aside money to care for her children.

"I always felt if I could get a judge to listen to me, it would be simply gone -- they would forgive the loan," Ms. Race says. "Anybody who has any heart at all could see that our circumstances weren't brought about by our actions or our foolishness."

Over the years, some bankruptcy judges have opposed the rule tightening. Bankruptcy Court Judge A. Jay Cristol, who presides in southern Florida, sees the policy as "way too harsh." The Education Department's Ms. Shaw says the government should make it tough to get out of student loans because taxpayers have already given the borrowers a valuable asset, an education, and it isn't collateral that can be repossessed.

Tightened Treatment

In the mid-1990s, a federal commission taking a broad look at the bankruptcy code said education-loan abuses cited by lawmakers were infrequent, "more perception than reality." The panel, mainly lawyers specializing in bankruptcy and related fields, recommended treating student loans like other consumer debts in bankruptcy.

But not long after, in 1998, Congress tightened the bankruptcy treatment of student loans. The change resulted from wrangling over an education bill, says Henry Sommer, editor in chief of Collier on Bankruptcy, a legal reference work. The Clinton administration was seeking a reduction in student-loan interest rates, a move lenders opposed. The administration agreed to provide a subsidy to cushion the rate cut for them. At the same time, the government changed the treatment of student loans in bankruptcy, which would mean smaller losses for the Education Department and taxpayers.

That leaves borrowers like Jonathan Gerhardt, 46, little choice but to pay. He is a cellist. The child of two classical musicians in Columbus, Ohio, he studied at the New England Conservatory of Music, performed with two city orchestras and finally won a spot as principal cellist at the Louisiana Philharmonic Orchestra in New Orleans. Despite climbing this high in his field, he was earning just $20,000 a year three years ago, including pay for teaching cello at Tulane University. He buckled under his $100,000 in student loans and filed for bankruptcy.

Lawyers for the Education Department and a guarantee agency that held some of the loans sought to make him pay. The opinion of a bankruptcy court in New Orleans says the lawyers told the court Mr. Gerhardt could trim his expenses, such as $23.90 a month for Internet access and $48.51 for a gym membership. They also suggested he get rid of his cat to save $20 a month.

Bankruptcy Judge Jerry A. Brown, however, said Mr. Gerhardt had to work out to relieve back pain from playing the cello, and needed the Internet to look for extra work. "Expenses related to his cat are not luxuries, considering he is single and lives alone," the judge wrote. He ruled that repaying the loan would be an "undue hardship" and expunged it.

The Education Department appealed. A federal appellate court sided with the government. It suggested Mr. Gerhardt find a job as a music-store clerk.

Mr. Gerhardt says he is already working 60 hours a week, including rehearsals for the Louisiana Philharmonic, practicing and teaching. He recently moved into an apartment with a roommate, saving $50 a month on rent. He says he stopped taking annual trips to Ohio to visit his 81-year-old mother, and doesn't believe he will ever be able to support a family or afford a house. Mr. Gerhardt says he is now paying $200 a month toward his loan. The government wants $900.

"I wish I had known it would be like this," he says. "I would have gone to a less-expensive graduate school. I will be paying for this for the rest of my life."

User Journal

Journal Journal: As Europe Seeks A Stronger Voice,Words Get in Way

New Entrants Stretch Limits
Of EU's Polyglot Approach;
380 Language Pairs Served
Malta's Translator Shortage
By ALEXEI BARRIONUEVO
Staff Reporter of THE WALL STREET JOURNAL
January 5, 2005; Page A1

BRUSSELS -- As the European Union expanded last May to 25 countries from 15, officials came to Ingeborg Smallwood with a problem: Only seven people in the world were qualified to interpret EU debates into Maltese.

With just 400,000 citizens and a government that operates in both English and Maltese, the island nation and new member country nevertheless was entitled to have every EU document and parliamentary speech translated into its native language. That's because the EU uses each of the 20 languages spoken in member countries to avoid offending any of them, a practice that will cost it nearly $1.6 billion this year, up about a third from the year before.

So Ms. Smallwood, director of the language-interpretation program at the University of Westminster in London, hurriedly put together a program, scrounging up a former journalist and a local Maltese priest to help assemble teaching materials. The effort will send just another six new Maltese interpreters to Brussels next year, if they survive the intense crash program. EU institutions estimate they need about 60.

The EU's growing translation troubles highlight the central conflict of Europe's unique experiment in collective governance, in which 25 nations are now trying to act with one voice without losing their individual identities. The expanded EU is home to 455 million citizens and is bidding to rival the U.S. in political and economic clout. Yet its growing heft brings a rising threat of paralysis.

As sovereign nations, EU members don't easily give up their prerogatives in the name of common cause. Member countries can -- and often do -- exercise their rights to block key initiatives or keep inefficient practices in place. This past November, Italy held up the seating of the entire 25-member commission for three weeks by insisting on a nominee whose derogatory statements about gays and working women outraged many members of Parliament. National vetoes have kept Europe, struggling with a stagnant economy, from creating a single EU-wide market for financial services -- or even a single process to apply for patents.

The EU, which began as a coal and steel union of just six countries 50 years ago, remains hampered by other traditions held firmly in place by grudging compromises that would be extremely difficult to undo. The EU's presidency rotates every six months, giving each member a turn but diminishing the role of any one leader. And the entire 732-member Parliament, which approves EU laws, decamps from Brussels one week a month to an otherwise empty building in Strasbourg, France.

"To have all the institutions concentrated in Brussels would be an American solution, it would be effective, it would be clear," says EU commission vice president Guenter Verheugen of Germany. "But we can't do that."

Nothing demonstrates the EU's struggles with itself better than its handling of languages. EU laws and regulations have been delayed for months since the union added 10 countries and nine languages in May. A current backlog of 60,000 pages of EU documents waiting to be translated is projected to reach 300,000 by 2006. The commission's response: requiring each translator to process 40% more pages a year and vowing to write shorter documents in the future.

"We will never catch up to the U.S. if we go on like this," says Martin van der Mandele, president of RAND Europe, a think tank that is part of Santa Monica, Calif.-based RAND Corp. "The European Union has become decidedly less easy to work with because of language issues."

The EU's language task is enormous -- and gets tougher with the addition of each new country. At the 192-member United Nations, representatives speak in their own languages, but their words are interpreted into a core of six languages. The EU attempts something far more difficult: two-way simultaneous interpretation among all 20 of the officially recognized tongues. At the moment, that means 380 possible two-language combinations. Anticipated new members over the next several years will push the number above 500.

"Finding a translator who can translate from Finnish to Maltese right now is like finding gold dust," says David Earnshaw, a project manager with EU translation contractor Bowne Global Solutions, a unit of New York-based Bowne & Co., a printing and document-management company.

The need for language specialists has shot up in the wake of May's expansion. At the European Commission, the EU's executive branch, the expansion raised the target number of staff translators by 42% to 1,840, while the number of needed interpreters ballooned by 65% to 910. The figures don't include free-lancers, who do more than half of the interpreting and about 20% of the translating work, an EU spokesman says.

Bowne has doubled the amount of time it spends recruiting translators and interpreters. From its small offices in Warsaw and central Slovakia, managers fan out hundreds of miles to scour universities in search of prospects to handle the new languages. The company started a marketing campaign in Eastern Europe to attract more: "Language pairs: Any language, any combination."

Last year Andrea Kunze of Bowne worked on training a small group of translators in Hungary. But she found it difficult to find objective experts to evaluate their work because the evaluators started angling to get the jobs themselves. Meanwhile, formerly Communist countries are still updating their vocabularies to reflect modern-day economic realities, Ms. Kunze says, so equivalents for words like "accountancy" often have only recently entered the language.

Even tougher to find are interpreters who can translate live debates on the floor of the Parliament. Every plenary session of the EU Parliament now requires 57 trilingual interpreters at the ready. With black-tied waiters serving them coffee, the interpreters work three to a booth on custom-built consoles. (The Parliament tore out visitor seating last year to make space.) But the EU doesn't always have the right language specialists on hand, so Parliament members' statements increasingly are bounced through multiple languages -- losing some meaning along the way.

Scanning sheafs of printouts highlighted in blue and yellow, the parliament's interpretation-planning director, Rita Silva, points out examples. Because of a shortage of Czech and Lithuanian translators at a recent session in Strasbourg, some speeches could take a circuitous route: One delivered in Czech would be translated into German then English and finally Lithuanian. "It is very sad when you have a double relay," Ms. Silva says.

EU officials discussed a more streamlined approach to their language problem ahead of the May expansion. They debated using only three official languages, or even just one: English, Latin, or Esperanto -- a 118-year-old language created by a Polish eye doctor that now has an estimated 100,000 fluent speakers world-wide. But members finally stuck with treating all the languages equally. "The less-bad solution was multilingualism," says Olga Cosmidou, director of the EU's interpretation service.

Some countries, particularly France, worry about the dominance of any one language. To fend off any moves toward an English-only bias, the French government has offered commissioners from new EU member countries -- most of whom already speak English -- a free crash course in French over the summer at a chateau in Provence. Seven of the 10 new commissioners took advantage, with an eighth soon to follow, a French government spokesman says.

But critics are increasingly fed up with the unwieldy system. In early December new EU commissioner Charlie McCreevy of Ireland complained that translation delays were holding up rules designed to improve the safety of the world's financial system. Other officials have complained about delays in laws aimed at helping developing countries import drugs, patenting inventions such as mobile phones and DVD players, and requiring quarterly reporting for Europe-based companies.

This comes after the EU's new member countries already had to spend years translating and ratifying a 9-foot-high stack of EU laws in order to join. Until last year, the EU failed to identify which of the 80,000 accumulated pages of rules and amendments were still relevant. So in Hungary, which began the mammoth task in 1998, translators completed work on more than 15,000 pages that ultimately weren't needed. "It was a lot of wasted effort and resources," says Kinga Szentmary, coordinator of the project at the Hungarian Ministry of Justice.

The EU's job was easier when language specialists could both translate documents and interpret speeches. But the EU's own rigid requirements for each skill has helped split the field in two. Interpreters are plucked from educated backgrounds so they'll have knowledge and experience beyond languages, and only one of 10 applicants is accepted.

Panayotis Mouzourakis, a longtime Greek interpreter, was a particle physicist at the European Organization for Nuclear Research in Geneva before he made the career switch. Full-time EU interpreters and translators can earn from about $65,000 to more than $80,000 a year. Interpreters rely on cultural understanding to avoid making damaging gaffes, and often err on the side of not interpreting what doesn't make sense. "You know that a Greek will never say that tobacco growing has to be stopped," says Mr. Mouzourakis, 54 years old. "You know what these people will never say, so if you get them saying something in contradiction then a bell starts ringing."

When documents have to be routed through two intermediate languages to get the job done, accuracy becomes an increasing worry. Incorrect technical information, for instance, could lead to product recalls, Bowne's Mr. Earnshaw notes. Bowne proofreader Denise Kramer recently caught a minor mistake in EU rules on producing and distributing homemade honey. Bowne's one Latvian-to-German translator, a free-lancer, had been on vacation, forcing a relay through English, and the Latvian phrase Ja atbilde ir apstiprinosa, which means "if the answer is yes," had gotten garbled. It wasn't serious, only changing the word "yes" to "affirmative."

In the case of Maltese, a blend of Arabic, Spanish and Italian influences, a lack of interpreters and translators means it won't be recognized as an official EU language for three years. When it became apparent that Malta not only had very few interpreters or translators, but also no history of training anyone to do something like that, the EU stepped in to help. Patrick Twidle, the parliament's deputy interpretation director, led a delegation to Malta that selected 10 promising Maltese from more than 60 applicants to the Westminster program. But in the weeks leading up to the September start of the course four candidates dropped out, citing personal reasons.

At Westminster, instructors give speeches in Maltese or English to the Maltese recruits, who then interpret the work into the opposite language. In the spring they will work up to simultaneous interpretation in a booth-like environment that replicates what they would be required to do at the EU.

Ms. Cosmidou says it will take a "generation or more" to train enough Maltese interpreters to cover all the languages of the polyglot EU. And she worries the Maltese example will spur multilanguage states such as Ireland, Luxembourg and Spain to demand more interpretation for their languages. The Spanish government has already requested official-language status for four regional languages -- including Catalan and Basque -- and the Irish have also said they intend to propose that Gaelic be included as well. The European Parliament decided in October to let members talk in any language they want to -- but reminded them only official languages would be translated.

That didn't satisfy Sean Neachtain, an EU Parliament member from Ireland, who briefly insisted three months ago on speaking in Gaelic during parliamentary sessions. He reacted with disgust when interpretation wasn't provided. "I will speak English when I have to," he says. "But my own language comes first."

User Journal

Journal Journal: In Chinese Factory, Rhythms of Trade Replace Rural Life

New Generation of Migrants,
Increasingly Demanding,
Powers Giant Shoemaker
A Movie Theater for Workers
By LESLIE T. CHANG
Staff Reporter of THE WALL STREET JOURNAL
December 31, 2004; Page A1

DONGGUAN, China -- On Saturday afternoons, the factory complex owned by the world's biggest shoe manufacturer shuts down. More than 70,000 workers, mostly young women from farming villages across China, pour out of the plants and into the dormitories and cafeterias, the paved streets and parks of the Yue Yuen industrial complex.

Yue Yuen is an entire universe that replaces the village world young migrants leave behind. Just like the farms from which these workers come, Yue Yuen has seasons and rhythms, but ones set by commercial dictates in countries thousands of miles away. Yue Yuen runs its own water-treatment systems and power stations. Within each factory compound are dormitories and canteens, post-office and phone-company branches, medical clinics and shops. One factory complex has a 100-bed hospital, a kindergarten, a 300-seat movie theater and a performance troupe. The city sometimes borrows the ladder from its fire truck, the tallest one in the area, to put out fires.

Zhang Qianqian, 21 years old, arrived at Yue Yuen three years ago. She says she left after 18 months because of conflicts with her boss and briefly returned home. She worked at an electronics factory last year before quitting to go home again, this time for her grandmother's 80th birthday. In February, she rejoined Yue Yuen. "I've moved here and there, and I always seem to end up in this factory," she says.

This is life for the millions of young Chinese who are powering their country's new industrial machine. In a community such as Yue Yuen, they find new lives full of hard work and long hours, but conditions far better than the sweatshops many imagine Chinese factories to be. They have migrated into China's cities in vast numbers and are creating models for manufacturing that outstrip even the factory towns of the West's Industrial Revolution.

One-third of the world's shoes are made in Guangdong, the province that borders Hong Kong. In this world, Yue Yuen is king. Established in 1989 by Pou Chen Corp. of Taiwan, Yue Yuen is the largest supplier to Nike, Adidas, Reebok and other brands. The company runs three factory complexes in Gaobu, a suburb of Dongguan, and is one of the biggest employers in the province.

Yue Yuen runs some factories that make the raw materials for shoes and other factories that cut, stitch and assemble these various parts. It employs designers to work with shoe companies to develop new styles. A Yue Yuen assembly line now takes 10 hours to make a shoe, from readying raw materials to having a finished product ready to ship, compared with 25 days four years ago.

Yue Yuen dormitories on a Sunday morning.

China's new industrial might is powered by one of the largest migrations in human history. China now has 114 million migrants, people who left their rural villages to work in cities. Those who left in the 1980s and early 1990s headed into the unknown, often driven by a need for cash and a desire to earn money to build a house back home. Their work was still tied to the farming season. When they made enough money, many returned to the village for good.

For the new generation, migration is an accepted path to a better life. Younger and better-educated than their predecessors, many of today's rural migrants come straight from school and haven't farmed a day in their lives. They are eager to taste city life and spend money on themselves. They are more ambitious and less easily satisfied than their elders.

In a world in flux, Yue Yuen offers a stability that contrasts with the impermanence of migrant life. Many factories in the Pearl River Delta are unsafe and owe workers money. At Yue Yuen, the salary is average -- about $72 a month after deductions for room and board -- and the company has a reputation for hard workdays and harsh managers. But wages are paid on time. Work is capped at 11 hours a day and 60 hours a week, with Sundays off. Workers sleep 10 to a room with hot showers and adequate meals. Eighty-five percent of the workers at Yue Yuen are young women.

Over the years, a worker at Yue Yuen may quit and go home -- to see a sick relative, to have a baby -- and then return. Despite a 60% annual turnover rate, the factory is a stable place of employment for many. Zhou Yinfang joined in 1991 when she was 17. She met her husband in the factory, took time off to have two children and now manages 1,500 workers. "I would like to work here until I retire," says Ms. Zhou, her voice raspy from years of shouting over the machines.

Factory society divides along provincial lines, exaggerating the divisions outside. Workers from the same province stick together, speaking dialects others can't understand. Local stereotypes color hiring. Many factory bosses refuse to hire people from Henan because they are considered untrustworthy, while those from Anhui are perceived as overly sly.

Almost all the managers at Yue Yuen are migrants who started out on the factory floor. They're ranked by an intricate hierarchy. There are 13 grades of manager from trainee to managing director. There is a cafeteria exclusively for those in charge of a production line and another for chief supervisors, one step up. Only line leaders and above are permitted to live inside the factory with a child.

Life inside Yue Yuen's walls can be turbulent, with thousands of young people freed from the constraints of the village. Petty theft is rampant. Gangs, organized along provincial lines, coordinate with allies inside to smuggle shoe parts or rob workers of their pay. Love triangles and extramarital affairs are common, as are unplanned pregnancies and abortions. Last year, a female worker committed suicide because of a failed love affair, according to Luke Lee, a company executive in charge of workers' health and safety. Another gave birth in her dorm bathroom and threw her baby into the toilet, he says.

"We have 70,000 people. It is a city," says Mr. Lee. "Whatever problems a city has, we have in the factory."

* * *
The traditional Chinese calendar divides the year into 24 points based on the changing angle of the sun. The year begins with lichun, the start of spring in February, the time for sowing. The calendar dictates when to plant melons, vegetables and coarse cereals and when to harvest rice, fruits and cabbage. It predicts the best time to collect manure and fix fences for livestock.

The global calendar of shoe manufacturing also picks up in the spring. The machines gear up in March and quicken through June. In July, when the farmer's calendar urges people to move fast before the soil dries, the shoe industry falls into a summer lull. Orders drop to their lowest in August, with plants sometimes running at 20% capacity. In September and October, the machines run full-tilt again, while November and December are go-for-broke months to meet the Christmas rush.

In mid-June, the slow season of the global shoe cycle was beginning. On a Sunday morning, most of the tenants of Building J, Room 805 lounged in bed in their pajamas. They worked in the Yue Yuen No. 8 factory. The 210-square-foot room contained bunks that ran in two rows. The spaces under the beds were a tangle of high-heeled sandals, sneakers, and Hello Kitty flip-flops.

Zhang Qianqian had come to visit friends in Room 805 from a dorm down the hall. A stocky Anhui-province native, she wore jeans and a black sports watch. Ms. Zhang reminisced about mornings at home when her grandmother would make breakfast. "She calls me to come eat it and sometimes I am still sleeping. Then my father says to me, 'You are lying in bed, you won't even come to eat breakfast your grandmother has made for you.' " She frowned. "At home they are always criticizing you."

The workers had a complex relationship with home. When they weren't there, they missed it. But when they spent time in their villages, they bored quickly and longed to return to the city.

The girls knew everything about how the factory worked. They knew their bosses' salaries and the subtle distinctions between every grade of manager. They had all seen plenty of theft. They were also proud of what they had done, however hard the living.

Jia Jimei, foreground, of Henan province, does chores in her dormitory on a Sunday, the day production lines shut down.

"Even if I had the means, I wouldn't want to go to college," said Jia Jimei, who had just walked into Room 805 from an early-morning shopping spree. She left her home in Henan province when she was in ninth grade.

"I would finish high school and start my own business," Ms. Jia said. She had scorn for people who only studied. "We come out as teenagers to work. We have more experience. We can do business. The college students, all they know how to do is to read books."

Ms. Zhang bragged that she had worked on all the famous brands: "Nike, Salomon, Adidas. I have worked on them all." She said she had worked on a pair of Nike shoes for a fashion model that sold for $600.

That drew an awed silence from the girls in the room. "Even if I had that much money, I would not spend it on a pair of shoes!" Ms. Jia said at last.

"At that level, it is not even money to them anymore," Ms. Zhang speculated.

Back in their villages, families try to pressure the girls. Send money home; don't get a boyfriend; marry sooner; come back. For the most part, the girls do as they please. Ms. Zhang says her parents don't know her phone number inside the factory. When she wanted to talk, she would call them; they were almost always home.

* * *
In July, the hottest season of the year according to the farmer's calendar, work at Yue Yuen slowed further. Many workers went home on leave, depending on which part of the shoe they made: Ms. Jia, who made soles, went home for a month; Ms. Zhang, who cut material to make shoe uppers, stayed on.

Ms. Zhang woke up past 10 a.m. one Saturday in late July. She put on jeans, a tank top and tan high heels with pointy toes, and walked downstairs into the blinding heat of day.

Outside the compound, the streets surrounding Yue Yuen teemed with opportunities for spending and self-improvement. The Hopeful Computer Training Center was full. A store offered a men's dress shirt for 20 yuan, or about $2.40. A mobile-phone shop featured the latest models. The Shangjiang City Health Station advertised one-minute pregnancy tests, abortions and treatment for venereal diseases.

"During the year, only these few months are a bit more fun," Ms. Zhang said. Inside a department store, she fingered a yellow high-heeled shoe with glittery pink hearts on the strap. "This is very fashionable this year," she said. Shopping was a favorite pastime now. In her first 18 months away from home, she had sent home almost $500 to help support a younger brother still in school. But she hadn't sent money home in a year.

"Food, clothes, going out to play, I don't know where the money goes," she said. "To hell with sending money home."

Out on the hot street she stopped to greet friends as she walked. She shouted at a girl walking by. "Qu Jimei! Where have you been?"

A girl with her hair dyed in red streaks said, "I'm going home."

Taken aback, Ms. Zhang held the girl's hand for a moment. "Well, good-bye," she said.

To be a migrant is to be surrounded by people leaving. "You meet so many friends in the factory, and then they go home," said Ms. Zhang.

She continued along the street. Between the stores lay alleys strewn with garbage. At the ends of the alleys was farmland. In fields of leafy green vegetables, older men and women labored under the glare of the sun.

* * *
When the girls at Yue Yuen go home, their parents want them to rest rather than working on the farm, believing they already work too hard. The girls keep farmers' hours, rising at dawn and turning in early. But they spend most of their waking hours watching television. In the countryside, time passes unmeasured.

At Yue Yuen, time is meted out in precise increments. One production line has 470 workers; an athletic shoe may pass through 200 stations. Workers in the cutting department stamp sheets of mesh fabric into pieces. Stitchers sew logos and shoelace eyelets onto these pieces to make the shoe upper. Stock fitters glue layers of rubber and plastic to make the sole. Assemblers press the sole and upper together, insert a foot-shaped plastic mold, called a last, and glue the two parts together. A machine applies 88 pounds of pressure to each shoe. Workers remove the lasts, check for flaws, and pack the shoes in boxes. Each shoe has a "Made in China" label on its tongue. Yue Yuen has 173 production lines in factories throughout China, each turning out 2,000 pairs of sneakers a day.

In its first decade, Yue Yuen often worked employees through midnight with few days off. But in the late 1990s, customers such as Nike Inc. and Adidas Salomon AG pushed suppliers to improve worker conditions. Yue Yuen switched to an 11-hour workday and gave employees Sundays off. It established a counseling center for questions and complaints. It improved safety measures and abolished military-style calisthenics and uniforms.

The Western companies that pushed factories to improve conditions also demanded lower prices. In 2001, Adidas initiated a program at Yue Yuen to increase efficiency. Workers say they work fewer hours but are more exhausted because tasks are precisely parceled out to ensure almost no downtime. Brands now give factories 30 days to deliver an order; three years ago it was 60 days; a decade back it was 90. Orders are getting smaller, allowing designers to respond more rapidly when fashions change.

There is a plastic sign in front of every station noting how many seconds it takes that worker to complete a task. Employees are timed by supervisors with stopwatches. Productivity at Yue Yuen is up 10% in the past three years. An Adidas investigation into the impact of its program found that workers initially felt more stress but over time got used to it.

* * *
August is the time to replant autumn vegetables. Inside Yue Yuen, a new season had begun: The long approach to Christmas. After the easy rhythms of summer, workers worked overtime every weekday and all day Saturday.

"I have the worst headache," moaned Ms. Zhang on a Sunday morning early that month. "This is supposed to be the low season, but we have so many orders." It had been her 22nd birthday the day before. She had planned to celebrate with a friend but instead had to work.

Down the hall in Room 805, Ms. Jia had returned from her time at home. She was listless and unsmiling. "I thought about not returning," she said. "But there is nothing to do at home."

Her life in the factory was about to be rearranged. Once a year, Yue Yuen reassigns workers to new dorms to ensure that production teams live together. "We already have friends here," Ms. Jia said. "Now there is a chance we will all be scattered again."

The transfers came later that month. Girls who had been together every day now didn't know how to find each other. Many lost touch for good. They were working overtime every day. New workers were still arriving.

After payday in August, Ms. Zhang suddenly left the factory. Her roommates didn't know where she had gone. According to the factory, she was still registered as working there. Her sudden disappearance seemed to mock the precise system of schedules that had ordered life at Yue Yuen so well.

* * *
Opposite the factory entrance, down a dirt road lined with restaurant stalls, is a neighborhood of apartment buildings faced in red tile. The doors to the apartments are pieces of sheet metal.

On a Sunday afternoon in mid-October, Ms. Zhang materialized here. She was visiting a friend named Ge Li, a fellow Anhui native -- and former Yue Yuen worker -- living with her boyfriend in a single-room apartment. "It's not fun anymore," was all Ms. Zhang said about why she had left. She was thinking of going home, she said, or finding a job at a new factory.

In the weeks that followed, production pressures in the factory continued to build. In the countryside, it was lidong, the beginning of winter, the time to fix fences. Ms. Zhang continued to drift; her friends said they didn't know what she was planning to do.

In Ms. Zhang's old dorm at the factory, a roommate, Zhao Juan, seemed unmoved by her friend's departure. She was 19 and had worked at Yue Yuen for two years. She once quit to go home but recently returned. "A lot of people leave," she said. "But they all end up coming back to Yue Yuen."

User Journal

Journal Journal: The game to beat all games

http://economist.com/diversions/PrinterFriendly.cfm?Story_ID=3445214

The game to beat all games

Dec 18th 2004
From The Economist print edition

The most intellectually testing game ever devised?

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Too difficult for computers

THE heavyweight pros on late-night cable television boast nicknames such as Monster, Razor, Butcher, Assassin and Knitting Needle. The most famed matches in history include the Blood Vomiting Game of 1835, the Famous Killing Game of 1926 and the Atomic Bomb Game of 1945. No, this is not some bone-crushing contact sport. It is a simple parlour game where two opponents, comfortably seated and often equipped with nothing more than folding paper fans and cigarettes, take turns placing little stones, some black, some white, on a flat wooden grid. Simple regarding rules and gear, that is, yet so challenging that in this mind-game, unlike chess, and despite the long-standing offer of a $1.6m reward for a winning program, no computer has yet been able to outwit a clever ten-year-old.

The game known in English as go--Igo in Japanese, Weiqi in Chinese, Baduk in Korean--is not just more difficult and subtle than chess. It may also be the world's oldest surviving game of pure mental skill. Devised in China at least 2,500 years ago, it had stirred enough interest by the time of the Han dynasty (206BC-220AD) to inspire poets, philosophers and strategic theorists. One of these strategists, Huan Tan (who died in 56AD), advises in his work "Xin Lun", or "New Treatise", that the best approach in the game is to "spread your pieces widely so as to encircle the opponent." Second best is to attack and choke off enemy formations. The worst strategy is to cling to a defence of your own territory--a warning that would have benefited, say, the designers of France's 1930s Maginot line.

Don't expect to stop
Go also had a place in Han-era folklore, in the form of the oft-illustrated story of the woodcutter, Wang Zhi. Wandering in a forest, he is said to have happened upon two sages playing a game. Wang settled down to watch, and became so absorbed that when at last one of the players suggested he should go home, he found that the handle of his axe had rotted entirely away. Returning to his village and recognising no one, Wang realised he had been gone for a hundred years. A small exaggeration, perhaps, yet the tale says much about the enduring fascination of a game that begins with an empty board and slowly evolves into ever-increasing complexity.

Although the roots of chess extend to ancient India and Persia, its present rules were fixed only in the early 19th century. Arabic manuscripts do record, move for move, chess-like games from a thousand years ago, but the oldest fully registered game played by recognisably modern rules took place in Barcelona in 1490. By contrast, the earliest completely recorded game of go, pitting Prince Sun Ce against his general, Lu Fan, and showing tactics almost exactly the same as those used today, is believed to date from 196AD. The 12th-century go manual, "Wang You Qing Le Ji", or "Collection of the Carefree and Innocent Pastime", includes dozens of complete, numbered diagrams from actual games that were certainly played during the Tang dynasty (618-907AD), as well as complex puzzles that remain testing for present-day amateurs.

Tang-dynasty fashion ranked proficiency at go as one of the "four accomplishments" necessary for a cultivated gentleman, along with lute-playing, calligraphy and painting. It was during this era that the passion for go, like so much of the high culture of metropolitan China, made its way to such outlying kingdoms as Korea, Tibet and, most infectiously, Japan. Go was all the rage in Japanese courtly circles by the 11th century, as is known from its appearance in Lady Murasaki's great novel of the time, "The Tale of Genji", in the famous--and again often-illustrated--scene where Prince Genji spies through a screen on two ladies playing the game.

As in China, go in Japan remained for centuries a mere aristocratic pastime, until a sudden flowering under the shoguns of the Edo period (1603-1867). Many of the great warlords of that age being themselves aficionados--in the belief that go provided excellent training for military tactics and strategy--it was not surprising that patronage of the game should have flourished. Four great go schools, all sponsored by the state, were established during the 17th century, as was the ranking system for players that is still used today and the supreme position of Meijin, or go-master to the shogun himself. Meijin Dosaku (who died in 1702), the fourth head of the Honinbo go school, is held by many Japanese to have been the game's greatest player. Although records of only 153 of his matches are preserved, he is said to have achieved the biggest advances in theory since the invention of go.

Tang-dynasty fashion ranked proficiency at go as one of the "four accomplishments" necessary for a cultivated gentleman

Proper patronage, professionalisation and the rivalry between schools certainly elevated the standard of play in Japan far above that in China. It was in Japan, too, that skill in the manufacture of go equipment reached its peak, in the cutting of perfect boards from the rare, 700-year-old kaya tree, the use of slate for the black pieces and clamshell for the white, and in the fashioning of bowls made of precious mulberry wood to keep them in. Today, a new, top-quality set of this type may cost $150,000.

Not even the end of state go sponsorship that came with the 1868 Meiji revolution--Japan's dramatic opening to the West and its headlong embrace of modernism--was to dent this dominance. By the 1880s, Tokyo newspapers had begun sponsoring go tournaments on a scale that made it possible both to sustain high standards and to maintain a class of full-time professional players. When they ventured abroad before the 1930s, to Japan's new colonies of Taiwan and Korea, and then to Manchuria, or into the warlord-torn Chinese hinterlands, such players felt obliged to handicap themselves by granting native opponents large advantages.

A century of surprises
That has changed. The past century has been the most dramatic in go history. The first surge of excitement came in 1926, when a Japanese pro, Iwamoto Kaoru, discovered a 12-year-old prodigy by the name of Wu Qing Yuan in Beijing. Once word of the boy's skill had reached Japan, invitations were soon forthcoming. By the time he was 19, Mr Wu was beating Japan's top players. Having eliminated all rivals, he won the honour in 1933 of battling the tenth reigning Meijin, Honinbo Shusai, 21st in the line of masters of the great Honinbo school.

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Start young

Mr Wu's opening, a sharp, direct lunge for territory, was seen as shocking, even insulting, to his elder. The ailing Meijin eventually carried the match, but only just, and after shamelessly exploiting his rank to postpone play 13 times, over three months. It was even rumoured that his brilliant, tide-turning 160th move had been devised, in breach of strict rules, by one of the Honinbo disciples.

Five years later, Shusai was unseated by a friend of Mr Wu's, in another excruciatingly long match that was to become the subject of an allegorical novel about the decline of old Japan by Yasunari Kawabata, who won the 1968 Nobel prize for literature. Soon after, Mr Wu beat his friend and, over the next 20 years, until he was injured by a motorcycle while crossing a Tokyo street, the Chinese prodigy proceeded to crush every one of Japan's top professionals in an unbroken sequence of victorious ten-game super-matches, known as juban-go.

Mr Wu's game declined after his accident, and he retired from professional play in 1983. Still, at 90 years of age, he has had the pleasure of seeing his own countrymen re-emerge as serious challengers for global ascendance. During the Cultural Revolution, go was demoted from its place among the "four accomplishments" to become one of the four, discarded, "rotten pasts". Yet in the 1970s a few Chinese players, among them Nie Weiping, who had spent years on a pig farm in internal exile, managed to chalk up individual successes against Japanese opponents. In the 1980s the Chinese began to score team wins with growing frequency, until in 1996 the Japanese cancelled a series of bilateral contests because the results had grown embarrassing.

Bridgeman ...and never give up

Significantly, the only two women to reach the rank of nine-dan, roughly equivalent to grand master in chess, are Chinese, and both have emerged within the past 15 years. One of them, Rui Naiwei, is among the world's top 15 players. In 2000 the Iron Lady, as Ms Rui is often called, trounced the world's two top-seeded male players, one after the other in a single tournament.

China's resurgence may not be surprising. Half of the world's 30m or so go players are Chinese, and sponsorship has grown in China, along with general prosperity. China now fields some 300 professional players, compared with 450 in Japan.

The new phenomenon in go is the meteoric rise of South Korea, a country long regarded by its neighbours as a backwater. The first Korean to be noticed internationally was Cho Chik-un. Moving to Japan as a child, he went professional in 1967 at the age of 11. By the time he was 27, Mr Cho held all four top Japanese titles at once. Mr Cho still earns more than any other go player in Japan and, say some, ranks fifth in the world in skill.

Yet Mr Cho's record pales in comparison with South Korea's own Cho Hoon-hyun, currently the world number three. Preferring to stay in his native land, this Mr Cho won a record 16 consecutive Paewan titles, one of South Korea's swankiest, before losing, in 1992, to his own pupil, the current world champion, Lee Chang-ho. Mr Lee, whose legion of Korean fans call him the Stone Buddha, has the distinction of concurrently holding five out of the seven main international men's titles. He is thought to earn nearly $1m a year.

Korea is go-mad. With less than half Japan's population, it has almost three times as many active players. Go schools and clubs clog the halls of apartment buildings in Seoul, a city that supports two full-time go channels on cable television. No surprise, then, that Koreans have taken 41 out of the 54 international cups won since worldwide tournaments, rather than just national ones, were first launched in 1988. That compares with ten for Japan and three for China.

The grandest of all, the $400,000 Ing cup, established by a Taiwanese magnate and contested only once every four years, has never left Korea. The best-of-five games finals for the 2004 Ing cup will take place early in January, pitting Korea's latest bombshell, 19-year-old Choi Cheol-han, against China's 28-year-old Chang Hao. It promises to be a mighty clash, since--as the Chinese proverb says--chess is a battle, but go is war.

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