Specifically, we used detailed empirical data sets to show that the observed dynamics in two very distinct forms of human activity—one offline activity which is widely considered as a public threat and one online activity which is by contrast considered as relatively harmless—can be reproduced using the same, simple model of individuals seeking groups with complementary attributes; i.e., they want to form a team as opposed to seeking groups with similar attributes homophilic kinship. Just as different ethnicities may have different types of gangs in the same city in terms of their number, size, and stability, the same holds for the different computer servers on which online players play a given game.

Why would an English-language institution lower its educational standards for lectures in order to cater to non-English-speaking students?

Some argue that interviews with active, free-ranging offenders have numerous advantages over those with incarcerated offenders (Jacobs & Wright, 2006). Purportedly, findings based on inmate interviews may be biased because the participants are âoeunsuccessful,â fearful of further legal sanctions, and likely to reconstruct their offenses in an overly rational manner. However, many of these claims against captive populations are overstated (Copes & Hochstetler, in press). In fact, a recent study examining target selection of burglars found a âoestriking similarityâ between studies using free-ranging and prison-based samples (Nee & Taylor 2000, p. 45). Little is gained by denying that the interview setting colors narratives or that conversations with social scientists are not different than what might be said elsewhere. Yet offenders appear to report similar patterns of behavior regardless of how they were originally contacted or where they were interviewed. Semistructured interviews were used to explore